I. Making Mogadishu Safer

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Notes

1 Joseph S Nye Jr, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1990); Christian Lund, ‘Twilight Institutions: Public Authority and Local Politics in Africa’, Development and Change (Vol. 37, No. 4, 2006); Roger Mac Ginty and Oliver Richmond, ‘The Fallacy of Constructing Hybrid Political Orders: A Reappraisal of the Hybrid Turn in Peacebuilding’, International Peacekeeping (Vol. 23, No. 2, 2016).

2 See, for example, Roger Mac Ginty and Oliver Richmond, ‘Myth or Reality: Opposing Views on the Liberal Peace and Post-war Reconstruction’, Global Society (Vol. 21, No. 4, 2007).

3 UN-Habitat, World Cities Report 2016: Urbanization and Development: Emerging Futures (Nairobi: UN-Habitat, 2016).

4 OECD DAC, OECD DAC Handbook on Security System Reform: Supporting Security and Justice (Paris: OECD, 2007).

5 Alice Hills, Policing Post-Conflict Cities (London: Zed Books, 2009), pp. 54–57, 65–78; Otwin Marenin, ‘Policing Change, Changing Police: Some Thematic Questions’, in Otwin Marenin (ed.), Policing Change, Changing Police: International Perspectives (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 3–22.

6 Marenin, ‘Policing Change, Changing Police’.

7 Ibid.; Cynthia Enloe’s work from the 1970s remains more relevant than donors might wish. See Cynthia H Enloe, ‘Ethnicity and Militarization: Factors Shaping the Roles of Police in Third World Nations’, Studies in Comparative International Development (Vol. 11, No. 3, 1976); Cynthia Enloe, Police, Military and Ethnicity: Foundations of State Power (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1980).

8 OECD DAC, OECD DAC Handbook on Security System Reform.

9 For the OECD DAC’s listing of official development assistance data for Somalia in 2014/15, see <https://public.tableau.com/views/OECDDACAidataglancebyrecipient_new/Recipients?:embed=y&:display_count=yes&:showTabs=y&:toolbar=no?&:show>, accessed 9 June 2017; OECD, ‘Aid at a Glance Charts: Somalia’, <http://www.oecd.org/countries/somalia/aid-at-a-glance.htm>, accessed 9 June 2017.

10 Fred Oluoch, ‘EU Pledges More Support for New Somalia Government’, East African, 6 March 2017.

11 Ibid.; for humanitarian aid flows see Financial Tracking Service, ‘Somalia 2017’, <https://fts.unocha.org/countries/206/donors/2017?order=total_pledges&sort=desc>, accessed 31 July 2017.

12 Fred Oluoch, ‘Somalia Gets $1.3b for Economy, Security’, East African, 16 May 2017.

13 UN, ‘Sustainable Development Goals’, 2016, <https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/?menu=1300>, accessed 17 December 2016.

14 Foreign and Commonwealth Office, ‘Foreign Secretary Arrives in Somalia on Security Visit’, press release, 2 June 2016.

15 Ibid.; see also Home Office, ‘Proscribed Terrorist Organisations’, 29 September 2017, <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/578385/201612_Proscription.pdf>, accessed 5 January 2017.

16 Alice Hills, ‘Making Mogadishu Safe', RUSI Journal (Vol. 161, No. 6, 2016), p. 11.

17 For details of UK aid, see Independent Commission for Aid Impact (ICAI), ‘UK Aid in a Conflict-Affected Country: Reducing Conflict and Fragility in Somalia: A Performance Review’, June 2017, <https://icai.independent.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/EMBARGOED-Reducing-conflict-and-fragility-in-Somalia-ICAI-review.pdf>, accessed 30 June 2017.

18 Jon Lunn, ‘Somalia: February 2017 Update’, Briefing Paper No. 7298, House of Commons Library, 16 February 2017, <www.researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-7298/CBP-7298.pdf>, accessed 4 March 2017; Department for International Development (DFID), ‘DFID: Somalia’, 2014, <https://www.gov.uk/government/world/organisations/dfid-somalia>, accessed 7 March 2017.

19 UK Aid, ‘Re-Establishing Basic Policing in Somalia [GB-1-204276]’, 2017, <https://devtracker.dfid.gov.uk/projects/GB-1-204276>, accessed 7 March 2017.

20 Oluoch, ‘EU Pledges More Support for New Somalia Government’.

21 Chege Mbitiru, ‘Special Forces May Soon Join the War Against Al-Shabaab’, Daily Nation, 5 March 2017.

22 Nick Turse, ‘The War You’ve Never Heard Of’, Vice News, 18 May 2017.

23 Turkey has provided police training, although it forms only a small part of the 456 million liras ($121.9 million) of humanitarian aid given since 2011. See AMISOM Media Monitoring, ‘Somalia Receives More than $121 Million in Turkish Aid’, 10 March 2017, <http://somaliamediamonitoring.org/march-10-2017-morning-headlines/>, accessed 10 March 2017. Turkey has also established a $50 million base intended to support the Somali National Army (SNA). Turkish companies manage Mogadishu’s Aden Adde International Airport and port, both of which are important sources of national (government) revenue, and at the time of writing it is seeking exclusive fishing rights off the coast of Somalia for eighteen years. See Garowe Online, ‘Somalia: Turkey Aims to Win Exclusive Fishing Rights Off the Coast of Somalia’, 10 May 2017, <http://www.garoweonline.com/en/news/somalia/somalia-turkey-aims-to-win-exclusive-fishing-rights-off-the-coast-of-somalia>, accessed 11 May 2017. Japan has for some years taken a leading role in developing the Somali and AMISOM police sectors by providing stipends for 5,000 Somali police officers, as well as the construction of police stations and the procurement of equipment, including armoured vehicles. See Permanent Mission of Japan to the United Nations, ‘Statement by Tsuneo Nishida, Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations, at the Open Debate of the Security Council on the Situation in Somalia, 5 March 2012’, <http://www.un.emb-japan.go.jp/statements/nishida030812.html>, accessed 15 September 2016. By 2012 its two trust funds had contributed a total of $38 million.

24 The Economist, ‘The World’s Most Utterly Failed State’, 2 October 2008.

25 Somalia remains in second place. See Fund for Peace, ‘Fragile States Index: Country Dashboard’, <http://fundforpeace.org/fsi/country-data/>, accessed 7 June 2017.

26 Morton Bøas and Kathleen Jennings, ‘Insecurity and Development: The Rhetoric of the “Failed State”’, European Journal of Development Research (Vol. 17, No. 3, 2005), p. 385.

27 Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument (Oxford: James Currey, 2009); Alice Hills, ‘Somalia Works: Police Development as State-building’, African Affairs (Vol. 113, No. 450, 2014).

28 See Jan Beek, et al. (eds), Police in Africa: The Street Level View (London: Hurst, 2017).

29 OECD DAC, OECD DAC Handbook on Security Sector Reform: Supporting Security and Justice (Paris: OECD, 2007).

30 NISA is constitutionally illegitimate, but the FGS justifies its role in terms of the 1970 Decree 14 establishing President Siad Barre’s National Security Service (NSS). Article 6 stated that members of the NSS could conduct arrests without a warrant; it was enough that they had been informed (or had a strong suspicion) that a crime had been committed against the state’s security.

31 See, for example, Observatory of Conflict and Violence Prevention (OCVP), ‘Mogadishu 2014: Central Zone. Conflict and Security Assessment Report’, 2015, <http://ocvp.org/docs/201407/Central%20Zone%20CSA.pdf>, accessed 28 January 2015; Hills, Policing Post-Conflict Cities.

32 The number of SNA troops currently available is difficult to estimate. As The Economist notes, high rates of desertion, and soldiers’ loyalty to clan leaders rather than the government, means that the SNA does not exist as a coherent force. See The Economist, ‘Somalia: Most-Failed State’, 10 September 2016.

33 UN Security Council, ‘Report of the Secretary-General on Somalia’, S/2013/69, 31 January 2013, para. 28, <http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/69>, accessed 4 April 2017. See also AMISOM’s claim to have trained 6,000 officers over the course of its mission: ‘AMISOM Police Newsletter’, Jan–Mar 2017, p. 8.

34 Author conversation with two international advisers, Mogadishu, 21 July 2016.

35 Alex de Waal, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015).

36 Jeremy Scahill, ‘The CIA’s Secret Sites in Somalia’, The Nation, 10 December 2014.

37 Intelligence Online, ‘Training Somalia’s Anti-Terrorism Units’, 22 February 2017.

38 Security Jobs, ‘Experienced Training Mentor – Somalia’, 23 January 2017, <http://internationalsecurityjobs.blogspot.co.uk/2017/01/experienced-training-mentor-somalia.html>, accessed 30 January 2017.

39 Author conversations with security managers at Aden Adde International Airport.

40 Mike Brogden and Preeti Nijhar, Community Policing: National and International Models and Approaches (Cullompton: Willan, 2005).

41 DFID, ‘ICT for Development (ICT4D) Research and Capacity Development Programme’, 2007–11, <http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/Project/60422/>, accessed 4 October 2016.

42 World Bank, ‘Information and Communication Technologies’, 2016, <http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/ict/overview#1>, accessed 4 October 2016.

43 See Alice Hills, ‘The Dialectics of Police Reform in Nigeria’, Journal of Modern African Studies (Vol. 46, No. 2, 2008), pp. 215–34; Alice Hills, ‘Security Sector or Security Arena? The Evidence from Somalia', International Peacekeeping (Vol. 21, No. 2, 2014), pp. 165–80.

44 World Bank, ‘ICTs for Health in Africa’, 2012, <http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTINFORMATIONANDCOMMUNICATIONANDTECHNOLOGIES/Resources/282822-1346223280837/Health.pdf>, accessed 19 December 2016.

45 GSMA Intelligence, ‘Scaling Mobile for Development’, 2013, p. 18.

46 World Population Review, ‘Somalia Population 2017’, <http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/somalia-population/>, accessed 5 March 2017.

47 For example, Paul Williams, ‘Fighting for Peace in Somalia: AMISOM’s Seven Strategic Challenges’, Journal of International Peacekeeping (Vol. 117, No. 3–4, 2013).

48 See, for example, Ken Menkhaus, ‘Non-State Security Providers and Political Formation in Somalis’, CSG Papers No. 5, Centre for Security Governance, April 2016.

49 Peter Albrecht and Helene Marie Kyed (eds), Policing and the Politics of Order-Making (London: Taylor & Francis, 2011).

50 See, for example, Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan, Anthropology and Development: Understanding Contemporary Social Change (London: Zed Books, 2005); Albrecht and Kyed, Policing and the Politics of Order-Making.

51 See, for example, Niagale Bagayoko, Eboe Hutchful and Robin Luckham, ‘Hybrid Security Governance in Africa: Rethinking the Foundations of Security, Justice and Legitimate Public Authority’, Conflict, Security & Development (Vol. 16, No. 1, 2016), pp. 1–32.

52 Mirco Göpfert, ‘Bureaucratic Aesthetics: Report Writing in the Nigérien Gendarmerie’, American Ethnologist (Vol. 40, No. 2, May 2013); Sarah Biecker and Klaus Schlichte, ‘Between Governance and Domination – The Everyday Life of Uganda’s Police Forces’, in Lucy Koechlin and Till Förster (eds), The Politics of Governance Actors and Articulations in Africa and Beyond (London: Taylor & Francis, 2014); Sarah Jane Cooper-Knock and Oliver Owen, ‘Between Vigilantism and Bureaucracy: Improving our Understanding of Police Work in Nigeria and South Africa’, Theoretical Criminology (Vol. 19, No. 3, 2015).

53 Cooper-Knock and Owen, ‘Between Vigilantism and Bureaucracy: Improving our Understanding of Police Work in Nigeria and South Africa’.

54 See, for example, University of Cambridge, ‘New Communication Technologies and Citizen-Led Governance in Africa’, pilot research project 2011–13, <http://www.cghr.polis.cam.ac.uk/research-themes/dmvp/NewCommsTech/CGHR_ICTsGovAfricaSummary.pdf>, accessed 9 April 2017; Edinburgh University Centre of African Studies, ‘Social Media and Security in Africa’, <http://www.cas.ed.ac.uk/research/grants_and_projects/sms_africa>, accessed 9 April 2017.

55 Urban sociologists such as Georg Simmel and Louis Wirth captured this element of urban life by defining urbanism in terms of the density and diversity of human interaction and institutions, anonymity, and the breakdown of traditional community and its replacement by ‘society’. See Gregory Andrusz, Michael Harloe and Ivan Szenyi (eds), Cities After Socialism (London: Wiley, 1996).

56 Some Somalis include another clan in the power-sharing formula: Halane base at Aden Adde International Airport (that is, the international community). This makes it a 6, rather than 4.5 formula. See Oliver Chevreau, ‘Federalism and Post-Conflict Statebuilding: The Case of Somalia’, unpublished MPhil thesis, University of Bradford, 2017, p. 104.

57 Alice Hills, ‘What is Policeness? On being Police in Somalia', British Journal of Criminology (Vol. 54, No. 5, 2014), pp. 765–83; Jana Hönke and Markus-Michael Müller (eds), The Global Making of Policing: Postcolonial Perspecticves (London: Routledge, 2016).

58 For example, Alice Hills, ‘Lost in Translation: Why Nigerian Police Don’t Implement Democratic Reforms’, International Affairs (Vol. 88, No. 4, 2012); Alice Hills, ‘Policing a Plurality of Worlds: The Nigeria Police in Metropolitan Kano’, African Affairs (Vol. 111, No. 442, 2012).

59 AMISOM’s monitoring reports act as a safety filter for items from potentially dangerous sources. Internet resources are invaluable, but they are also fluid and some pages from, for example, Shabelle News are no longer available.

60 Nicos Mouzelis, Modern and Postmodern Social Theory (Cambridge: CUP, 2008), p. 19.