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Articles

Alberta’s Premier Ed Stelmach: The Anomalous Case of Leadership Selection and Removal in a Canadian Province1

 

Abstract

Why would a new provincial premier, having in his first general election increased his governing party’s seats in the legislature from 62 to 72 out of 83, resign just three years later? Normally, in Canada a provincial first minister remains in office so long as s/he wins elections, and either retires of his/her own accord or is forced to resign after an electoral defeat. Ed Stelmach’s brief tenure (2006–11) as premier of Alberta is a singular anomaly in that regard. Relying on interviews with the principal players, monographic and newspaper accounts, and party as well as Elections Alberta websites, this article makes systematic comparisons between the major features of Stelmach’s term in office and his predecessors, Peter Lougheed and Ralph Klein. This leads to the conclusion that popularity with the voting public simply did not translate into popularity in the backrooms of Alberta politics, where it apparently counts most.

Interviews with MLAsFootnote11

Hon. Ed Stelmach, PC Premier of Alberta, at his Legislature office, November 28, 2011.

Eugene Zwozdesky, PC MLA, Edmonton–Mill Creek, at his constituency office, December 10, 2011.

Brian Mason, NDP MLA, Edmonton–Highlands–Norwood, at the Legislature Annex, December 19, 2011.

Harry Chase, Liberal MLA, Calgary–Varsity, December 21, 2011, by phone.

Ray Danyluk, PC MLA, Lac La Biche–St. Paul–Two Hills, at his constituency office, St Paul, January 5, 2012.

Dave Hancock, PC MLA, Edmonton–Whitemud, Minister of Government Services and Government House Leader, at his constituency office, January 11, 2012.

Doug Elniski, PC MLA, Edmonton–Calder, at his Legislature office, January 12, 2012.

Kevin Taft, Liberal MLA, Edmonton–Riverview, at his constituency office, January 19, 2012.

Raj Sherman, Leader of the Liberal Party and MLA, Edmonton–Meadowlark, at Legislature Annex, January 31, 2012.

Ron Liepert, Minister of Finance, PC MLA, Calgary–West, at his Legislature office, February 6, 2012.

Iris Evans, PC MLA, Sherwood Park, at her constituency office, February 15, 2012.

Rachel Notley, NDP MLA, Edmonton–Strathcona, February 29, 2012, by phone.

Doug Horner, Deputy Premier, President of the Treasury Board, Minister for Corporate Human Resources, PC MLA, Spruce Grove–Sturgeon–St. Albert, at his Legislature office, March 5, 2012.

Notes

1. An earlier version of this article was presented as a paper at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Edmonton, Alberta, June 14, 2012.

2. In Canada, “the Prime Minister has an indefinite term as party leader and there is no mechanism to remove him from the leadership so long as he continues to win general elections” (Cross and Blais Citation2012, 101).

3. Such, in part, is the thesis of Ted Morton (Citation2013).

4. As Rod Love, Klein’s reputed éminence grise, encapsulated it, “Everyone north of the Trans-Canada Highway looked at their second ballot and the three choices were: (1) Calgary; (2) Scary; (and 3) Ed Stelmach. Game over…” (Dolphin Citation2007, 17).

5. Less than a year later, however, Don Martin’s (Citation2007) report brought out the dénouement.

6. Interestingly, Dabbs (Citation1995, 93) records that “Klein regarded the province-wide open ballot leadership … as the key to his success. He told his father that he wouldn’t have run had he faced a convention. … ‘The old guard would simply have put in one of their own,’ he said to Philip. ‘But with an open vote, I have a chance.’”

7. As he expressed it in an interview with Kathleen Petty, on the CBC program, “The House,” on February 6, 2010, referring to the Wildrose Alliance challenge, “Albertans are very wise; before they do change, they want to know what they’re changing to. … My role is to reflect those priorities, deliver on them, keep working with Albertans, consulting with Albertans, talking to Albertans and, from what I hear in terms of the balanced budget, looking after the most vulnerable, making sure that we have the best infrastructure—those are top priorities for Albertans and we’re going to deliver.”

8. That convention “was marred by negative publicity and criticism. … The party was determined not to repeat this experience and decided to organize an election in which every party member could vote directly for the premier” (Stewart and Archer Citation2000, 16).

9. There was, until 2012, a secular decline from the peak of 60.2 percent turnout in 1993, the year of Klein’s first election.

10. For a critique of the panel’s report, see Parkland Institute, Citation2007.

11. As far as possible, in conducting and interpreting my interviews I have tried to follow the guidelines of Rubin and Rubin (Citation2012).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Bohdan Harasymiw

Bohdan Harasymiw is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Calgary, and Acting Coordinator, Centre for Political and Regional Studies at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta. He is also a long-time participant-observer of provincial politics in the province of Alberta.

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