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Abstract
In the Sukuma region of Western Tanzania, rural life relies upon cooperative social networks which allocate labor in ways which include hunting, farming, and healing. An important nineteenth‐century Sukuma association was the bayege (elephant hunters). Bayege songs were humorous and celebratory songs which commended hunters for work well done, boasted of the bravery required for the hunt, encouraged initiates to follow in their footsteps after they have left the world, or poked fun at rival hunting groups with whom they had contact. This article examines the music–related practices of this association, unpacks the inter‐textual musical influence of this association on subsequent and current labor associations active in this region, and considers the inter‐temporal interpretation of bayege song by contemporary practitioners.
Notes
[1] From the Kisukuma verb, kulagua. In Kisukuma, people and ethnicities are signified by the ba‐ prefix (singular, prefix n‐, as in nyege). Music and dance genres are signified by the bu‐ prefix. This accounts for “bayege”, referring to the elephant hunters, and “buyege”, the elephant hunters’ dance.
[2] Field and archival work for this research took place in Tanzania in 1993–1996, 1999, 2004, and 2006. The author collaborated with Tanzanian scholars, musicians, cultural commentators and translators, and personally recorded several hundred songs from prominent Sukuma singers and composers. After collecting these materials, musicians and cultural commentators were approached for further comment. This process had much to reveal both about the individual and the song itself. Further, it became clear that a song could make a certain kind of sense to one individual, and an entirely different kind of sense to another, and that both could illuminate aspects of deeper meaning. This article comes from a draft presented in 2007 at the national Society for Ethnomusicology conference in Columbus, Ohio, 25–28 October. The author wishes to thank Gage Averill, Trevor Harvey, Joseph Hellweg, Peter Hoesing, Jan Jansen, and Mark Slobin for helpful suggestions made during various stages of this research. Further, the author wishes to thank the Wenner‐Gren Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities (USA), and the Florida State University Committee for Faculty Research Support.
[3] Hartwig asserts that the inhabitants of Ukerewe Island treated the buyege songs that they learned from Sukuma hunters as an indispensable part of hunting elephants, and that the songs were not to be translated into Kikerewe, for fear of disturbing their inherent magic.
[4] A proto‐Bantu institution and term found throughout central, eastern and southern Africa, ngoma is “at once the term for drum, as well as drumming or other musical instrumentation, singing, dancing, and the complex of constituent behavior and concepts” (Janzen Citation1992: 290). In Kisukuma, an apostrophe is added after the consonant “g” (ng’oma), thus making the “ng”‐ prefix soft, similar to the “‐ng” found in “song”.
[5] “Herr, das sind Elefanten, sie spielen und tanzen gerade!”
[6] Komangaga Bug’hunda, performed by members of the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author, personal collection. Ntulya village, 19–21 October 2006.
[7] The actual origins of the bug’hunda medicinal association are obscure. It is possible that the term has some connection with the nineteenth‐century chiefdom of Ug’hunda, which was located in southern Unyamwezi.
[8] Members of the Banam’hala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Ntulya village, Tanzania, 19–21 October 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “ni kitu ambacho tumefanya kutoka zamani, maana inaleta raha.”
[9] This is the same monochord zither found throughout southern and central Africa, discussed by Kubik (Citation1999: 17).
[10] Paulo Lusana. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Chicago, Illinois, 16 May 1998.
[11] Njile Nyumbani. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Ntulya village, Tanzania, 17–21 March 1995. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Waliwafuata, walileta ng’oma, na mikuki yao. Kuwaua, mmoja angepanda juu ya mti, Baada ya kupanda juu, alitengeneza ng’oma yake. Ng’oma iliwaita, na wangeweza kuwatega, halafu wangewaua na mikuki yao. Waliitwa, halafu walikuja wenyeye.”
[12] Mhindi Yii, performed by the members of the Banam’hala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author. Ntulya village, 10 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #187, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[13] Nyalali One, performed by members of the Banam’hala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author. Ntulya village, 10 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #190, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[14] I‐Ngoma Iyi Ikulila, performed by members of the Banam’hala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author. Ntulya village, 10 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #188, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[15] Iliho Inzala Ushashi, performed by members of the Banam’hala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author. Ntulya village, 10 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #193, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[16] Nashifate I‐mhuli, performed by the members of the Banamhala (elders’ council), of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani. Recorded by author. Ntulya village, 10 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #189, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[17] Sukuma personal names represent an intricate sense of personal identity, and generally consist of a first name given at birth, a family or clan name, and the name of the individual’s father (signified by “ng’wana”, or child‐of). Some individuals may have Christian or Muslim names that they prefer to go by as well. Further, Sukuma musicians have “dance” names given to them by their teachers, as well as names of derision that are used by their dance opponents.
[18] Where ng’wana Lutelemba came from is unknown.
[19] Wa ng’wa: Literally, “of that of so‐and‐so”, or “of those belonging to so‐and‐so”. An expression used primarily in relation to students and their leaders, thus, Nang’wa, wa ng’wa Mhogota, akabatinda bose (“Nang’wa, of those of belonging to Mhogota, defeated them all”).
[20] Hezron Masuka Manyanga. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, 1 August 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Siyo kusema anafuata tembo mwenye, anafuata njia ya kitu ambacho kinatisha, kitu ambacho ni maarufu, anaacha alama kubwa.”
[21] George Nyumbani. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Ntulya village, Tanzania, 19–21 October 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Baada ya kuondoka duniani, mwimbaji huyu ataacha historia hapa nyuma, kwa watu ambao watakuja siku za mbele, watajua kwamba hapa, walikuwa bayege kwenye sehemu hii.”
[22] According to popular myth, however, he was imprisoned because he had murdered so many people in his dance competitions. While imprisoned he was reported to have been seen on several occasions on the mainland, which led to the legend that he could walk on water.
[23] Mhuli Mkaya Iyi, performed by Pius Ngasa Jishosha. Recorded by author, personal collection. Dar es Salaam, 23 August 1999.
[24] Simon Ndokeji. Interview recorded by author, personal collection. Kisesa town, 23 August 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “ni kitu ambacho tumefanya kutoka zamani, maana inaleta raha.”
[25] Stephen Mbuni. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, 27 July 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “M’huli hapa, anacho maanisha tu ni zile bugota zake, zinamtengenezea njia akitaka kwenda mahala, bugota zake anaziweka mbele atafika bila matatizo. Hata ng’ombe zake alizo nazo, zinamfanya, kumfanikisha zaidi, apate yale ambayo za kuongeza zile bugota zake.”
[26] Sylvester Kema. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, 23 September 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Hapa, inazungumzia mhuli kama shida ambalo iko ndani ya nyumba hiyo. Anataka anasema kwamba tutafute bugota ambalo litaweza kumalizia shida hiyo. Nadhani kwamba ukiwa na ng’ombe, kama una ng’ombe unaweza ukamaliza shida, lakini kusema kweli una shida lingine zaidi. Shida hilo kama linavunja machaka.”
[27] Magdelena Lubimbi. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, 7 September 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “‘M’huli’ ni shida hiyo au matatizo yaliopo, na huyu mwimbaji anajaribu kutafuta suluhisho. Na kwa kuwa Wasukuma tunajua unapokuwa na shida basi inakubidi uende kwa mfumu au kwa mganga. Bado anasema kuwa angekuwa na ng’ombe au angekuwa na pesa, basi angeweza kumaliza shida hii. Na ni shida ni mbali mbali; inawezekana labda ni shida kwa watoto, shida kwa mke, shida katika ukoo wake. Sasa matatizo haya yanakuwa yanabadilika badilika, leo akisuluhisha hili, kesho jingine linajitokeza. Akimaliza hili, jingine linajitokeza, na matokeo yake anakonda, sababu akimaliza hili anapata hili.”
[28] Other noteworthy Sukuma prophets from this time‐period documented in travel narrative literature and recalled in oral history were Balang’hani, Bakalwinzi, Bamazoya, Shinana, Ngarangayi, Nyaluhinda, Ng’omamabele, Ngasa Ilebe, Ng’omangilondito, and Sungwa Nyangeka.
[29] Maji‐Maji was a faith‐based rebellion, which took place in south‐central German East Africa (1905–1907). The adherents believed that magic water (maji), could make them immune to bullets. German settlers, missionaries and traders were murdered, and the towns of Liwale and Kilosa sacked. The Germans reacted with a scorched‐earth policy, which according to some accounts was directly responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people (Iliffe Citation1979: 168–202). These actions ended the rebellion but greatly retarded economic development.
[30] German. A derogatory term for “sorcerers”.
[31] Ng’wana Kaliyaya, performed by Jige Malehe. Recorded by author. Isangidjo village, 20 December 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #225, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[32] J. M. Kalunde. Recorded interview with author. Mwanza, Tanzania, 13 March 1995. From an interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Hutumika kwa kuwakumbuka wahenga, kwa kutibu na kuwaomba msaada wasaidie au kusamehe yale tuliyokosea.”
[33] Tigu, Tigu, performed by Salu Kadelya and Paulo Lusana. Recorded by author, Isangidjo village, 23 April 1995. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson Collection, song #612; Indiana University, Bloomington. Performed by Jiyoja Hamala ng’wana Chila. Recorded by author, Ng’wanjiginya village, 9 August 1995. Archives of Traditional Music, song #346, Gunderson Collection, Indiana Uiversity, Bloomington. There has been some interesting variation in the transmission of this text. Paulo Lusana learned this as Tiku tiku, mhuli yatigula itende, or “Carry, carry, the elephant carries dates”. Magdelena Lubimbi learned this with the verb ‐tigula in the passive tense, as Tigu, tigu, mhuli yatigulwa ipembe, or “Move, move, the elephant has been detusked”.
[34] Michael Masalu. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Nyamadoke village. 23 July 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Kusema ‘Tigu, tigu’, watu wanataka kuchukua kitu kizito, na kitu kizito ni sawa sawa na uzito wa tembo.”
[35] George Nyumbani. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Ntulya village, Tanzania, 19–21 October 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Sasa wimbo huu, ni wa buyege kweli. Lakini pia unatumiwa kama wimbo wa mitambiko sehemu zote. Hasa wakati unatoa kitu fulani. Au unaimbwa wakati watu wanaingia kwenye michezo.”
[36] Fitta ng’wana Liaku. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, Tanzania. 16 September 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Kama walikuwa walishindana, huyu aliposhinda sasa, amechukua ushindi, anaweza kuimba wimbo huu. Ni kama wa ufalme kidogo, wamepata ufalme sasa.”
[37] This is a research archive in the East African Collection at the University of Dar Es Salaam, housing the song collection of a Tanganyikan government anthropologist who was active from the 1920s to the 1950s. This source is significant because the majority of the texts were collected during the 1930s, when the British colonial government was implementing mono‐crop agricultural policies that have had long‐term effects on labour to the present.
[38] I‐m’huli Shafumilila, performed by Edward “Mzee Kijana” Shing’oma. Recorded by author. Gambos village, 12 September 1994. Archives of Traditional Music, Gunderson collection, song #60, Indiana University, Bloomington.
[39] Edward “Mzee Kijana” Shing’oma. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Gambos village, Magu town, 12 September 1994. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Wimbo huu ni kuhusu utabiri. Mambo haya zilitokea kweli msituni Shinyanga. Tungeziona kwenye mahali fulani, vijiji vyote, sehemu, zilikuwa msituni. Sasa huyu, kwenye jinzi ambayo ametabiri, kwenye ndoto, maana kwenye ndoto yake, aliziona vijiji vingine vimekuwa msitu, na watu hawakuwepo, na wafalme wenyewe hawakuwepo. Wimbo huu ni kuhusu ukoloni. Sasa, anaeleza kwenye siku za mbele, inawezekana wale Wazungu watatoka, watatuacha na Uhuru. Hii ‘m’huli’ hapa, maana yake ni watatoka, tutapata raha, utumwa wetu utamalizia. Kwa hiyo kweli, siyo wimbo tu, anatabiri kwamba Wazungu watatuachia kujitawala wenyewe.” (In his narrative about the text, the singer switches to a first‐person account, assuming the voice of the original prophet),: “Afadhali mtu akiona ndoto yangu kama ukweli, hivi karibuni utaziona. Sasa, mambo yote nimekuambia nimehakika utaziona. Mambo zote utaziona siku za mbele.”
[40] Michael Masalu. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Nyamadoke village. 23 July 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Mwimbaji alitabiri kitu ambacho itakuja kutoka sehemu za mashariki, alitabiri uongozi kutoka mashariki utafika hapa nchi yetu kuletea ubadilisho, halafu butemi utavunjika sehemu sehemu. Rais Nyerere alitoka sehemu za mashariki. Halafu ndiyo yeye alivunjavunja butemi kwenye sehemu hizo zilitajwa.”
[41] Paulo Lusana. Informal conversation with author. Chicago, IL, 16 May 1998. J. M. Kalunde. Informal conversation with author. Mwanza, Tanzania, 13 March 1995.
[42] On 6 November 1973, Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere decreed that, “To live in a village is an order”. The government implemented this policy, by rounding up millions of peasants and moving them to Ujamaa communal villages. During these resettlement operations, the authorities destroyed much private property and used force against peasants who wanted to remain on their own farms. By 1977, 13,506,044 people, or about 80% of the population, had been resettled into 7373 registered Ujamaa villages, all of which supposedly contained schools, dispensaries and clean water (Ofcansky & Yeager Citation1997: 188). More often, however, peasants had to contend with extremely harsh living conditions, which, because of excessive population densities and insufficient agricultural technologies, also led to extensive resource depletion and soil erosion. The Ujamaa experiment became a rural policy disaster that crippled the agricultural sector and seriously compromised Nyerere’s political standing throughout Tanzania.
[43] Petro Nyumbani. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Ntulya village, Tanzania, 19–21 October 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Watu wataacha mijini yao, wataenda mahali pengine, na wataacha familia yao. Njaa kubwa itatokea. Baada ya utabiri huu, kulikuwa njaa, iliitwa ‘Masanso,’ mwaka 1949. Ndiyo njaa hii ilisambaza kutoka mashariki.”
[44] Simoni Ndokeji. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Kisesa town, 15 July 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Anasema Wazungu wametubana, tumeshindwa kufanya mambo yetu. Lakini kule mbele, alivyokuwa akiona yeye, mbele kule kutabaki watu wa kutuongoza sisi, badala ya Wazungu.”
[45] William Lubimbi. Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Magu town, 27 October 2006. Interview conducted in Kiswahili, translation by author. Original transcript: “Hii maana yake ni kwamba enzi za ukoloni tu. Sasa, yeye alikuwa anaelezea kwamba mbeleni wanaweza wakatoka Wazungu, tukaachiwa Uhuru. Hii ‘m’huli’, ilikuwa na maana kwamba watatoka Wazungu, tutapata raha, ule utumwa utaisha. Kwa maana kwamba huyu nusu ni kama mtabiri, sio kama wimbo tu, yeye alikuwa anatabiri huko mbeleni uko uwezekana Wazungu wanaweza wakatuachia tukajitawala.”