Early Christian Representations of the Economy: Evidence from New Testament Texts

Abstract

The aim of the paper is to provide an overview of economic issues that permeate certain aspects of the New Testament narrative world. After critically discussing the proper methodological patterns, the essay explores the possibility of reconstructing the socio-economic world in which these narratives emerged and evolved. We then proceed to assess the economic norms embedded in a rich diversity of New Testament texts, and we analyse how these religious discourses affected the economic attitudes of their respective audiences. To avoid overgeneralization, we properly differentiate the distinctive responses to the problem of economic necessity, in conformity to the particular social setting. We in turn suggest an alternative reading of some economic aspects of these texts; in so doing, we employ theories that advance a new understanding of the ancient economy. Finally, findings are summarized and further propositions are formulated.

Keywords:

• Early Christianity
• Wealth
• Stewardship
• Household-Management
• Embedded Economy

Notes

In the modern, secular world, the business sphere is perceived as inimical to the demands of faith, as regulated by utilitarian principles and governed by self-interest motives; concomitantly, religion is experienced as a cultural discourse eroded by the values of a market economy.

For a brief introduction into this socio-cultural framework, see Carter (2006).

Beed (2006) challenges the view that a value-free social science necessarily entails the formulation of criteria for an effective demarcation between economics and theology.

Economics, developing from both inductive and deductive observations of early market economies, gave rise to a socially embedded concept of economic efficiency.

Cartledge (2002) defends these claims that economics misinterprets economic phenomena of classical antiquity. Hudson (2002), in his reconstruction of the origins of the agrarian debt in ancient Mesopotamian civilizations, places an emphasis on the deficiencies of market-oriented individualism to properly evaluate the processes of debt formation and maintenance over time. Neoclassical assumptions prevent, Hudson contends, modern economists from perceiving the role of ancient Near-East public institutions in alleviating debt problems; these societies, confronting the disruptive consequences of debt bondage, appropriated state policies of cancelling rural debts and reversing property forfeiture. This is the case of Jubilee property provisions within the covenant community of ancient Israel: redemption regulations, implemented in a covenantal context, were critical in shaping land allocation processes. See Rosenberg and Weiss (2010).

The eminent historian Saller (2002) demonstrates the absence of integrated markets in the Roman Empire when shortages of supply in some cities co-existed with affluence in others. Had these markets been integrated, the price-mechanism would have drawn a certain amount of resources to areas in need, thus affecting the level of supply to regions with higher prices. Local authorities would thus have no reason to resort to imperial intervention, a practice that ultimately misallocated available resources.

There are important edited volumes with contributions focusing precisely on this problem. See, among others, Manning and Morris (2005), Scheidel and von Reden (2002), as well as Scheidel et al. (2007). Consult also Morley (2009), who proceeds to a comparison between ancient and modern economics.

Consult, for instance, Dunn (1996) and Verner (1983).

See Beed (2003), who criticizes Malina's view of a Christian fictive domestic economy.

An elaboration of this concept is provided by Neyrey and Rohrbaugh (2008 [2001]), who underscore that, once someone perceives others apparently intended to contest more of these limited goods (for example, wealth, respect, reputation), the scene has been set for conflict or envy.

In an honour and shame society, people are not expected to internalize a sense of moral obligation, but primarily to act to maintain social status by having publicly acknowledged worth or avoiding to be publicly repudiated or diminished in honour, a predominantly group value. See Pilch and Malina (1998: 114); also, deSilva (1995) and Neyrey (1995). On the economic dimensions of honour, see Haan (2009).

Aristocratic elites sought to identify several reasons to justify prejudice towards manual labour. In wage-earning activities, one was deprived of time devoted to the acquisition of virtue or learning. In his treatise De Officiis (1.150–151) Cicero considered artisans engaged in vulgar trading as devoid of respect, since vulgar were the means of livelihood of every hired worker paid for mere manual labour; these wages turned to be a pledge of slavery for those failing to maintain honour. See Malina (2000: 382–385).

For further analysis of these conditions, see Freyne (1995, 2004), Hanson and Oakman (1998), Harland (2002), Horsley (1995), Kloppenborg (2006), Rocca (2008), Safrai (1994). Demographic and economic issues in a milieu of interacting socio-cultural communities in Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine Galilee are presented in Leibner (2009).

Such estate managers within an agricultural enterprise enjoyed certain privileges: they were authorized to perform a wide range of managerial tasks, to negotiate arrangements, and to conduct business – and other forms of transactions (Aubert 1994: 169–175). A brief overview of Lucan views on stewardship of possessions is provided in Squires (2006: 174–175).

Oakman (2008a [1985]) argues that Jesus' ministry embodied an explicitly revolutionary aspect for two reasons: first, it was perceived as advocating the dissolution of established mechanisms of social stratification. And second, political authorities could have seen, in the hint of a public proclamation of the abolition of debt, a subversive agenda. A view of Jesus, however, as directly attacking the Roman patronage system and presenting Himself as the benefactor par excellence, is not undisputed in the literature. Marshall (2009), for instance, drawing on Luke's presentation of Jesus, contends that the limited use of such categories in Luke aligns with the historical reality of first-century Roman Palestine as reflected in other sources.

Balanced reciprocity focuses on the mutual interests of two contracting parties in a symmetrical way, its most typical forms comprising trade arrangements, exchanges in a monetary or barter economy, and remuneration in return of services. The other two forms of reciprocity consist in generalized reciprocity as an altruistic, asymmetrical concern for the needs of others (typical of kinship relations), and negative reciprocity central to fraud or theft, implying an attempt to disproportionately benefit from an exchange, appropriating as much as possible at the expense of another (Malina & Pilch 2006: 392). For further analysis of reciprocity, see deSilva (1999) and Joubert (2001).

Hays (2010) depicts Luke's teachings on the proper use of wealth as subject to an inherent contradiction. In this respect, Luke's Gospel offers various narratives on a spectrum of economic behaviours that actualize the principle of renunciation of possessions; the manifestation of such an attitude depends upon two factors; the follower's vocation and the level of his wealth. For other approaches to the Synoptic Gospel's view of wealth, see Hengel (1974), Vogt (2007), Wheeler (1995). Among the abundant literature on poverty issues in the Gospels, see de Vos (2007), Friesen (2008), Mealand (1980), Stettberger (2005). Mineshige (2003) discusses Luke's views on almsgiving and on the concomitant renunciation of possessions by a portion of group members. Barker (2009) argues that the early Church was attempting to alleviate extreme poverty drawing on earlier messianic transformations as well as on the prophetic ministry and on other Jewish insights on the nature of poverty. For an illustration of Jesus view on capital and money, see Cadwallader (2006) and Witherington (2010).

This stewardship principle reflects the basic tenets of the household-management tradition briefly discussed earlier. On Roman households as loci of consumption and production, see Harper (2011, ch. 3). On the Jewish conception of household management in Roman Palestine, see Sivertsev (2010).

Metzger (2007) explores the way through which Luke seeks to shape Christian attitudes towards material possessions in four uniquely Lukan parables in Luke's travel narratives (Lk. 12:16–21, 15:11–32, 16:1–13, and 16:19–31). Metzger advances the view that particularly this material (but certainly not the entirety of Luke's narratives) advocates radical disinvestment, thus depicting the wealthy as prone to indulgence in sinful, excess consumption. Kim (1998) has also commented in detail on the significance of the almsgiving motive as well as on the ideal of proper stewardship of resources in Lukan narratives, in the context of a typical Graeco-Roman practice of benefaction.

On this social value, see Pilch and Malina (1998: 181–183). On the Pauline treatment of self-sufficiency in a context of Hellenistic moral traditions, see Malherbe (1996).

Not unexpectedly, these virtues embody a profound socio-economic potential.

Toney (2008) argues that Gentile Christians were in a sense obligated to Christian Jews, this being a corollary of Pauline principle of accommodation elaborated in the context of Rom. 11:14–15. For a discussion of the Philippian financial aid, see Witherington (1994). On the Pauline views of patronage, see Downs (2009).

Clark (2004: 24) argues that early Christianity was effective in shaping a supportive community, in contrast to other cult groups that were devoid of an ethics of actively serving the needy (23). Meggitt (2002: 151) underscores the construction of Christian networks embodying an ethics of interdependence rooted in shared experience, a practical response to paganism's apparent inability to provide individual security in times of distress (Ferrero 2008). For an analysis of early Christian attempts to enhance overall welfare, see Winter (1994). On the ethics of Christian beneficence, see Pregeant (2008).

On this issue consult Malina and Neyrey (1996).

The offer of the Gentiles could be explained within the context of reciprocity of gifts, as both an economic and social activity that establishes or strengthens interpersonal relationships. On the contrary, almsgiving is understood within a context of generalized reciprocity, typical of a fictive kinship that appears to undermine the principle of exchange insofar as one does not need to return a gift (Stansell 2002). See Neyrey (2005: 491–492), who argues that Paul contrasts balanced (what is earned) to altruistic (what is given as gift) reciprocity practiced between mortals and God.

Asmis (2004) discusses Epicurean views on household management drawing on Philodemus' treatises On Wealth and On Household Economics. Philodemus adapted Epicurean positions to specific Roman conditions, thus admonishing wealthy patrons to transform their estates into loci of friendship. Subsequently, Balch (2004) posits that the shift in early Christian attitudes, from the wandering charismatics in the Jesus movement to the household units in the Pauline mission is reflective of and commensurate with the confrontation between Cynic and Epicurean attitudes to wealth respectively.

On the cultivation of shared values amidst the Pauline communities that properly differentiated Christian from pagan ethos, see Darko (2008). Paul instructs his converts to adopt a new life according to their identity as citizens of the heavenly politeuma (Phil. 3:17–21. Cf. Sandnes 2002: 136–164).

This communal ideal has influenced subsequent patristic teaching on property and wealth. See Ganz (1995).

Murphy (2002) adduces new evidence from various areas. Archaeological as well as documentary material reveals details of commercial transactions and other Essene practices, necessary to identify the economic motives of a whole range of communities described in the Dead Sea Scrolls.

Social networks associated with occupational activities were integral to the ongoing life of Christian groups. See Harland (2003: 38–44, 251–264). Hume (2011) argues that a language of friendship was employed by Luke in his narrative description of the early Christian community, somewhat reminiscent of the respective ideals in Graeco-Roman literature (for example, in Aristotle, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius and Iamblichus).

God's caring for the poor remains a prominent issue in biblical teaching (Deut. 10:18; Ps. 68:5; Amos 2:6–7; Lk. 1:51–53). See, for example, Edgar (2001).

On specific wisdom literature's influences on the Epistle of James, see Wall (1997).

An elaboration of James' eschatological perspective is presented in Penner (1996).

Batten (2004) considers the distinction between patronage and benefaction in the epistles of James. Although patron–client relations were deeply entrenched in the world of early Christianity, James is critical of patronage, thus perceiving God as a generous benefactor, on whom these fragile communities could rely.

Jewish apocalyptic tradition permeates these narratives. See Rowland (1996).

Issues of sharing of resources are encountered in the Qumran documents. See Murphy (2002), who argues that through the legislation for an alternative community, as well as through biblical allusions and idealizing tendencies, the rationale behind the sectarian economy was probed (447). Within New Testament canon, Luke-Acts reflect close parallels to, but also significant differences from this sectarian organization. Knibb (1987: 81–82, 119–122) stresses a similar communal life in Acts 2:44–47, 4:32–37, but with the difference that the practice of handing property over to the Church was clearly a voluntary matter, while at Qumran the members of the community were obliged to hand over their goods. See Brooke (2005: 159). For a holistic overview of the principal differences between the Qumran community and the early Christian movement, see Nickelsburg (2003: 175). For an approach to the economic ideals of Christian Gnostic groups, see Moore (2008).

There is a number of studies that explore issues of relevance to this purpose, among them the relation between the Kingdom of God and the importance of food in Second Temple Judaism (e.g. Feeley-Harnik 1994), or between Jesus and the Judean Temple monetary and banking system (e.g. Oakman 2007).

Horrell (2009), for example, places an emphasis upon new theoretical resources as well as upon the interdisciplinary approaches that will critically inform and invigorate New Testament Studies.