Building the Authentic Celebrity: The “Idol” Phenomenon in the Attention Economy

Abstract

The “Idol” phenomenon is a spectacle founded on the creation, perpetuation, and maintenance of specific kinds of carefully structured consumer relationships. Several of the more successful contestants are gradually formed into recognizable and familiar brands centered on varied and mostly familiar pop star personae intended to form the foundations of the relationships between the various contestants and their supporters. However “Idol” relationships are not limited to familiar musician‐fan binaries, but grow and evolve into a series of intimate, active relationships that stretch well beyond the life of the show. By the end of each series the primary relationship is no longer confined to contestants and fans, but includes a series of relationships between the program and its audience created through a wide range of channels. The main goal of “Idol's” producers is to build affective investment in contestants and gradually shift that investment to the narrative and drama of the program itself.

Acknowledgments

The core of this article is based on “‘Australian Idol’ and the Attention Economy,” which was published in M/C Journal vol. 7, no. 4, as part of a theme issue on fame in 2004 (Fairchild). I would like to thank issue editor P. David Marshall and the two anonymous reviews who have helped to improve my thinking on “Idol.” I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for Popular Music and Society who helped improve the present work a great deal.

Notes

1. Obviously, I do not wish to imply that the drive for high profits is somehow new. What is fairly new is the reach for greater profits at lower costs through economies of scale and intra‐firm synergies made possible through vertical integration. These goals have predominated largely due to increased competition for finance capital in recently deregulated capital markets. Greider's book is a lucid and clear introduction to the central role of deregulated finance capital in the global economy. Haring's hyperventilating critique of the music industry takes on added significance when these two unrelated books are read in tandem (see his Chapter 4 “Smoke and Music”).

2. While CD sales figures are a fairly controversial piece of the piracy debate in particular, it seems certain the figures are going into a decline that many in the industry regard as permanent or even terminal. But I do not wish to imply that piracy is the primary cause. It seems clear that the industry's robust rhetoric blaming “pirates” for the sales slump is based on the fact that it is the only aspect of the phenomenon over which they do not have control and for which no part of the entertainment industry can be blamed. Thus, attacking “pirates” is the only course of action open to record labels that does not involve criticism of any part of their own industry (Chalmers; Shedden “Industry Repudiates”; “Piracy”).

3. This paradox has been crucial to “Idol's” success. To take just one example, the wardrobe choices of the “Idol” contestants become an increasingly important aspect of the branding and shaping of each as the contest wears on, so to speak. Yet, despite extensive features on the fashion designers involved in the production on the magazine‐format television program Inside Idol and elsewhere, this aspect of the production received almost no critical comment. The appearance of each potential “Idol” was simply naturalized and presumed to be part of “who they were becoming.” Such naturalization and transparency marks the ultimate success of product placement advertising.

4. The range of activities constituted by such marketing practices is very broad. Some marketing firms have hired actors to pose as tourists who ask actual tourists to take their picture. They take the opportunity to extol the virtues of particular digital cameras. Others use cars with film projectors in the boot to show promotional videos on the sides of buildings near traffic clogged roads during peak hour. Still others take to footpaths with chalk and the now familiar use of stenciled logos (Lee “Number Hunter,” “Stealth Marketers”).

5. “Australian Idol” has used the following media formats to construct its promotional culture: live and pre‐recorded television in “reality,” magazine, music video, and documentary formats, extensive product placement, traditional “spot” advertising, live and pre‐recorded radio programming, websites, chat rooms, electronic bulletin boards, e‐mail promotions, mobile phones, DVDs, CDs, live performances, and print media campaigns producing extensive coverage of many aspects of the contest. Of particular interest are the fan pages on the official website on which a variety of contests and betting games can be played (⟨http://au.australianidol.yahoo.com/fancentral/⟩).

6. The analysis in this section is based on the first two series of Australian Idol (see Australian Idol: Greatest; Australian Idol: Series Two ). The first series of Australian Idol ran from July to November 2003. Series two ran during the same period in 2004.

7. The ratings for the first two series of Australian Idol followed the same general pattern. The initial programs rated well, but the subsequent rounds between the introductory programs and the performances of the Final 12 dipped somewhat. Then, ratings grew from the “Wild Card” rounds through to the grand final. The final three programs of the first series had some of the highest ratings in Australian television history (Maley and Davis; Dale).

8. The first series of Australian Idol began well after the first series of Pop Idol and American Idol had established a template for the format. It should be noted, however, that Australian Idol never quite sank to the depths of humiliation and abuse that American Idol often reached (see Dale). In fact, the narrative of Australian Idol ran a distinctly different course throughout for reasons that are well beyond the scope of this article. For an excellent reading of the narrative structures of American Idol, see Stahl.

9. The producer auditions are a kind of public secret, which receive only tangential acknowledgment in the promotion regime surrounding the show. They have, however, been the subject of much caustic comment by rejected applicants on the extensive “Idol” message boards (⟨http://au.messages.yahoo.com/australianidol⟩; “Chartsong Productions”).

10. See the following web pages for illustrative examples: ⟨.yahoo.com/australianidol⟩.

11. Most of the articles assessing the success of Australian Idol were framed by some version of this defensive attempt to establish the specifically musical credibility of the program and its contestants.

12. It is not entirely clear if Noll is capable of the highly ornamented vocal lines used by Sebastian. The only point at which his repertoire overlapped with Sebastian's was a Final 12 performance of “Angels Brought Me Here” during which Noll was clearly struggling at the upper reaches of his range and ability. Noll's recorded version on the limited edition bonus disc from his debut CD is not as accomplished or confident as Sebastian's version on his debut collection.

13. Over 10,000 people trekked to Condoblin for a special ANZAC Day concert by Noll, representing almost three times the town's resident population.

14. The judges were clearly well‐prepped for Noll's audition at least, and asked him numerous leading questions about his background and personal life.