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ABSTRACT
The Lateran Palace in Rome was the main papal residence and the administrative centre of the papacy in the central Middle Ages. The physical setting that confronted visitors to the Roman curia at the Lateran Palace during the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) can be explored by piecing together information from curial material and the few visitors’ accounts about the architecture, art and use of space within this no-longer existent building. The article examines how visitors perceived the palace and the use of space within it, placing particular emphasis on visitors’ admission to the different areas of the palace which determined their access to the pope and other members of the curia. The ways in which the layout and decoration of the palace reflected and reinforced notions of papal authority are also discussed.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Maureen Miller, Lucy Donkin, Dale Kinney, Peter Clarke, William Kynan-Wilson and my co-editors as well as the anonymous reviewers for comments and suggestions.
Notes on contributor
Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt is Professor (MSO) of Medieval History at Aalborg University, Denmark. Her research focuses on the papacy in the central Middle Ages, in particular papal communication, and she has published on visitors at the papal curia, papal sermons, papal crusade letters and papal involvement in crusades and mission, including The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 1147–1254 (Leiden: Brill, 2007). She is co-editor of this special issue of the Journal of Medieval History on the papacy and communication in the central Middle Ages.
Notes
1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; SS: Scriptores in folio.
Suger, ‘Vita Ludovici Grossi Regis’, in Vie de Louis VI le gros, ed. and trans. Henri Waquet (Paris: H. Champion, 1929), 206 (c.27); Suger, The Deeds of Louis the Fat, trans. Richard Cusimano and John Moorland (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1992), 121.
2 Suger undertook several visits to the curia: Auguste Molinier, Vie de Louis le gros (Paris: A. Picard, 1887), 95; for one such stay at the Lateran in 1123, see Suger, ‘Vita Ludovici’, 214 (c.27). Papal stays in Rome: Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, The Pope's Body, trans. David S. Peterson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 176.
3 For definitions of the concepts of communication, authority and power, see Gerd Althoff, Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt, and William Kynan-Wilson, ‘Framing papal communication in the central Middle Ages’, in this special issue, Journal of Medieval History 44, no. 3 (2018): 251–260.
4 It is thus not the aim of this article to put forward new interpretations or datings of individual artworks or the building history of the palace. The vast literature on the Lateran Palace includes Philippe Lauer, Le palais de Latran: étude historique et archéologique (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1911); Ingo Herklotz, ‘Der Campus Lateranensis im Mittelalter’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 22 (1985): 1–43; Christopher Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery in the Medieval Lateran Palace, Part 1’, Cahiers Archéologiques 20 (1970): 155–76, and idem, ‘Papal Political Imagery in the Medieval Lateran Palace, Part 2’, Cahiers Archéologiques 21 (1971): 109–36; Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308, 2nd edn. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Erik Thunø, Image and Relic: Mediating the Sacred in Early Medieval Rome (Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2002); Pierre-Yves Le Pogam, De la ‘Cité de Dieu’ au ‘Palais du Pape’: les residences pontificales dans la seconde moitié du XIIIe siècle (1254–1304) (Rome: École française de Rome, 2005). This is not the first work exploring visits to the Lateran Palace in the central Middle Ages. In their influential monograph Rome 1300: On the Path of the Pilgrim (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias described what pilgrims in the Jubilee year of 1300 encountered in Rome, including the Lateran complex. The present article focuses on an earlier period and takes a different approach by adding impressions of the palace put in writing by those visiting or working in the building and by exploring how two specific visitors – Gerald of Wales and Thomas of Marlborough – experienced the building. For the issues surrounding reconstructing visual and material culture through textual descriptions, see for instance Antonia Gransden, ‘Realistic Observation in Twelfth-Century England’, Speculum 47 (1972): 29–51; T.A. Heslop, ‘Late Twelfth-Century Writing About Art, and Aesthetic Relativity’, in Medieval Art: Recent Perspectives: a Memorial Tribute to C.R. Dodwell, eds. Gale R. Owen-Crocker and Timothy Graham (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), 129–41.
5 For a discussion of medieval interpretations of sensory stimuli, see C.M. Woolgar, The Senses in Late Medieval England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006). There is a growing literature on sense perceptions and multimodal and intermodal sensory analysis, including Bissera Pentcheva, The Sensual Icon: Space, Ritual and the Senses in Byzantium (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 2010); Beth Williamson, ‘Sensory Experience in Medieval Devotion: Sound and Vision, Invisibility and Silence’, Speculum 88 (2013): 1–43; and the contributions in Martina Bagnoli, ed., A Feast for the Senses: Art and Experience in Medieval Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016).
6 M. Miller, The Bishop's Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002).
7 Leonie V. Hicks, ‘Magnificent Entrances and Undignified Exits: Chronicling the Symbolism of Castle Space in Normandy’, Journal of Medieval History 35 (2009): 53.
8 Important works include Charles L.H. Coulson, Castles in Medieval Society: Fortresses in England, France, and Ireland in the Central Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Philip Dixon, ‘Design in Castle-Building: the Controlling of Access to the Lord’, Château Gaillard 18 (1998): 47–57; Abigail Wheatley, The Ideas of the Castle in Medieval England (York: York Medieval Press, 2004); Hicks, ‘Magnificent Entrances’; David Rollason, The Power of Place: Rulers and Their Palaces, Landscapes, Cities, and Holy Places (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016). For architectural semiotics and communication, see, for instance, Umberto Eco, ‘Function and Sign: the Semiotics of Architecture’, in Signs, Symbols, and Architecture, eds. Geoffrey Broadbent and others (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1980), 11–69.
9 The popes also had a residence – referred to as a palatium by the anonymous author of the Gesta Innocentii – at St Peter's: Anonymous, Gesta Innocentii, in ‘The “Gesta Innocentii III”: Text, Introduction and Commentary’, ed. David Gress-Wright (Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1981), 351 (c.146); for the ‘rivalry’ between the Lateran complex and that at St Peter's, see Krautheimer, Rome, 56.
10 A similar emphasis on building works is found in Roman imperial biographies: for instance, Alison E. Cooley, ed. and trans., Res gestae divi Augusti (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 78–9 (c.19). See also Miller, Bishop's Palace, 52–3. For the Gesta Innocentii, see Brenda Bolton, ‘Too Important to Neglect: the Gesta Innocentii PP III’, in Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages: Essays presented to John Taylor, eds. Ian Wood and G.A. Loud (London: Hambledon Press, 1991), 87–99.
11 See Lauer, Palais de Latran, 410–90 and 576–84; Ingo Herklotz, ‘Historia sacra und mittelalterliche Kunst während der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts in Rom’, in Baronio e l’arte. Atti del convegno internazionale di Studi Sora 10-13 Ottobre 1984, eds. Romeo De Maio and others. Fonti e Studi Baroniani 2 (Sora: Centro di Studi Sorani, 1985), 21‒74.
12 Whether Gerald and Thomas represent a distinct Anglo-Norman viewpoint remains an open question. There are significant differences between their approaches: see Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt and William Kynan-Wilson, ‘Smiling, Laughing and Joking in Papal Rome: Thomas of Marlborough and Gerald of Wales at the Court of Innocent III (1198–1216)’, Papers of the British School at Rome 86 (2018): forthcoming (doi: 10.1017/S0068246217000435). They both emphasise access, but so do continental accounts such as those by Hariulf of Oudenbourg and Arnold of Lübeck: Ernst Müller: Ernst Müller, ‘Der Bericht des Abtes Hariulf von Oudenburg über seine Prozessverhandlungen an der römischen Kurie im Jahre 1141’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde 48 (1930): 102, 104; Arnold of Lübeck, ‘Chronica Slavorum’, ed. J.M. Lappenberg, in Supplementa tomorum I‒XII, pars II. Supplementum tomi XIII, ed. G. Waitz. MGH, SS 14 (Hanover: Hahn, 1868), 47 (b.2, c.9).
13 Christopher R. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1976), 134–41, outlines the case. For Gerald's biography, see Robert Bartlett, Gerald of Wales: a Voice of the Middle Ages (Stroud: Tempus, 2006).
14 Fonnesberg-Schmidt and Kynan-Wilson, ‘Smiling, Laughing and Joking’.
15 Jane Sayers and Leslie Watkiss, ‘Introduction’, in Thomas of Marlborough, History of the Abbey of Evesham, eds. and trans. Jane Sayers and Leslie Watkiss (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), xx; Jane Sayers, ‘English Benedictine Monks at the Papal Court in the Thirteenth Century: the Experience of Thomas of Marlborough in a Wider Context’, Journal of Medieval Monastic Studies 2 (2013): 109–29; David Cox, The Church and Vale of Evesham 700–1215: Lordship, Landscape and Prayer (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2015), 196–201.
16 For the survival of the manuscript, Sayers and Watkiss, ‘Introduction’, lxiv–lxxii.
17 Sayers and Watkiss, ‘Introduction’, xvi.
18 Fonnesberg-Schmidt and Kynan-Wilson, ‘Smiling, Laughing and Joking’.
19 Müller, ‘Hariulf’, 101–15.
20 Statues: Master Gregory, Narracio de mirabilibus urbis Romae, ed. R.B.C. Huygens (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 30–1 (c.32–3). Stairs: Miller, Bishop's Palace, 153–7. For ceremonies taking place by the palace stairs: Claudia Bolgia, ‘Celestine III's Relic Policy and Artistic Patronage in Rome’, in Pope Celestine III (1191–1198): Diplomat and Pastor, eds. John Doran and Damian J. Smith (Farnham: Ashgate, 2008), 247–8.
21 Bolgia, ‘Celestine III's Relic Policy’, 244–8; the door, dated to 1195, is now in the Lateran baptistery.
22 No one source describes the people gathered in the palace, but their presence can be gleaned from passing comments in various accounts; for nobles: Müller, ‘Hariulf’, 102; Boso, ‘Vita Alexandri’, in Le Liber pontificalis: t exte, introduction et commentaire, ed. L. Duchesne, 2 vols. (Paris: E. Thorin, 1886–92), 2: 434 (albeit at Anagni). Money lenders: Gesta Innocentii III, 60–1 (c.41); Gesta abbatum monasterii sancti Albani, ed. Henry T. Riley, 3 vols. (London: Longman, 1867–9), 1: 263; see also Thomas of Marlborough, History of the Abbey of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 208.
23 Gary M. Radke, Profile of a Thirteenth-Century Papal Palace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 41, 97–107. Radke estimates the numbers of papal servants to be around 500 by the second half of the thirteenth century. For – somewhat lower – numbers for Anglo-Norman courts, see Robert Bartlett, England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075–1225 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 131–2.
24 Edward B. Garrison, Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, 4 vols. (Florence: L’Impronta, 1953–62), 2: 180–97.
25 For Leo's involvement and the decoration of the hall, see Leo's biography in Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 11. Councils: see for instance Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 157; for banquets: Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, ‘Les festins des papes: cérémonial et auto-représentation (XIe–XIIIe siècles)’, in Le banquet: manger, boire et parler ensemble (XIIe–XVIIe siècle), eds. Bruno Laurioux, Eva Pibiri, and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani. Micrologus Library 90 (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2018.) For a late sixteenth-century drawing of the hall, see Lauer, Palais de Latran, 101, and for descriptions by Panvinio and Grimaldi, see Lauer, Palais de Latran, 483‒4 and 583.
26 Radke, Papal Palace, 54, 60. The hall was almost as big as William Rufus’ Great Hall at Westminster (70 × 20 metres): John Steane, The Archaeology of the Medieval English Monarchy (London: Routledge, 1993), 72; for the size of halls of Anglo-Norman magnates, see Bartlett, England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 138, and for those of bishops, see Miller, Bishop's Palace.
27 Radke, Papal Palace, 60; for descriptions of this hall by Panvinio and Grimaldi, see Lauer, Palais de Latran, 481‒2 and 581‒2.
28 Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 3–4: ‘ … mire magnitudinis decoratum, ponens in eo fundamenta firmissima et in circuitu lamminis marmoreis ornavit, atque marmoribus in exemplis stravit et diversis columnis tam purfireticis quamque albis et sculotis cum basibus et liliis simul postibus decoravit’; translated in Raymond Davis, trans., The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes, 2nd edn. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007), 180. There was another, smaller triclinium in the palace, built by Gregory IV (827–44): Lauer, Palais de Latran, 121–2.
29 Gesta Innocentii, 352 (c.146): ‘consistorium fecit pavimentari et gradus marmoreos ad eiusdem ascensum’.
30 The triclinium was demolished in 1589 but the apse and its mosaic survived; it was restored in 1625 but was finally destroyed in 1743 during its move to a new site. The pre-1625 apse mosaic is shown in a sixteenth-century drawing executed for Onofrio Panvinio and described and drawn by Grimaldi in 1617 and 1621: see Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 157–9, with figures 1–2; Krautheimer, Rome, 115; Ingo Herklotz, ‘Francesco Barberini, Nicolo Alemanni, and the Lateran Triclinium of Leo III: an Episode in Restoration and Seicento Medieval Studies’, Memoires of the American Academy in Rome 40 (1995): 175–93. Only fragments of the mosaics have survived: Lauer, Palais de Latran, 116. The reference to Charlemagne as ‘king’ supports a dating of the mosaic to before 800, most likely 798 or early 799: Cäcilia Davis-Weyer, ‘Eine patristische Apologie des Imperium Romanum und die Mosaiken der Aula Leonina’, in Munuscula Discipulorum: Kunsthistorische Studien Hans Kauffmann zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. T. Buddensieg and M. Winner (Berlin: Hessling, 1968), 73; Krautheimer, Rome, 115.
31 For discussion of the motif of the now lost mosaic on the opposite spandrel, see Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 159–60, 176.
32 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 298; Gerald of Wales, De rebus a se gestis, in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, eds. J.S. Brewer and others. Rolls Series 21; 8 vols. (London: Longman, 1861–91), 1: 120; idem, De jure et statu Menevensis ecclesiae, in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, eds. Brewer and others, 3: 165, 188; see also Gesta Innocentii, 63 (c.42). Gerald (De jure, 165) states in one scene that Innocent ordered the papal registers to be fetched; this suggests that registers were stored in the palace, testifying to the building's function as the papal administrative centre; see also M. Spaethen, ‘Giraldus Cambrensis und Thomas von Evesham über die von ihnen an der Kurie geführten Prozesse’, Neues Archiv 21 (1906): 595–649.
33 Gesta Innocentii, 352 (c.146).
34 Gesta Innocentii, 61 (c.41); for the development of the consistory, see Sarah Noethlichs, ‘Das päpstliche Konsistorium im Spiegel der Quellen des 11. bis 13. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 94 (2008): 272–87.
35 Radke, Papal Palace, 67 with figure 33.
36 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 256.
37 Radke, Papal Palace, 67–8.
38 Benches: Gerald of Wales, De jure, 256; on litigants facing each other: Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 312.
39 Müller, ‘Hariulf’, 102.
40 Bishops with mitre and insignia: Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 272. For changes in curial procedure at this time and curial supervision of proctors, see Patrick Zutshi, ‘Innocent III and the Reform of the Papal Chancery’, in Innocenzo III, Urbs et orbis: atti del congresso internazionale, ed. Andrea Sommerlechner, 2 vols. (Rome: Presso le Società alla Biblioteca Vallicelliana, 2003), 1: 84–101.
41 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 256: ‘Sicque soluto consistorio in cameram papa recessit; et tumultuantibus adhuc in palatio discedentium et descendentium turbis … ’; translated in H.E. Butler, ed. and trans., The Autobiography of Giraldus Cambrensis (London: Jonathan Cape, 1937), 285.
42 Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 1: 502–3; 2: 3, 8, 10, 28–9; Miller, Bishop's Palace, 58–9. For the early medieval palace, see John Osborne, ‘Papal Court Culture During the Pontificate of Zacharias (AD 741–752)’, in Court Culture in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Catherine Cubitt (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 223–34.
43 Thomas F.X. Noble, The Republic of St Peter: the Birth of the Papal State, 680–825 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), 71–98, 184–211, 291–9.
44 Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 170 and 175–6; Thunø, Image and Relic, 158–9; for the prestigious early medieval architectural connotations of triconch halls, see Irving Lavin, ‘The House of the Lord: Aspects of the Role of Palace Triclinia in the Architecture of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’, Art Bulletin 44, no. 1 (1962): 1–24 (13–14).
45 Gesta Innocentii III, 61 (c.41).
46 John A. Watt, The Theory of Papal Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century: the Contribution of the Canonists (New York: Fordham University Press, 1965), 135–44; idem, ‘The Papacy’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 5: c.1198–c.1300, ed. David Abulafia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 107–9; Kenneth Pennington, Pope and Bishops: the Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984). In addition, the pope claimed territorial lordship over the papal lands in central Italy.
47 Patrick Zutshi, ‘The Roman Curia and Papal Jurisdiction in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, in Die Ordnung der Kommunikation und die Kommunikation der Ordnungen, eds. Cristina Andenna and others, 2 vols. (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2013), 2: 213–15.
48 Woolgar, Senses in Late Medieval England, 151–2.
49 For the imperial associations of porphyry, see Josef Deér, The Dynastic Porphyry Tombs of the Norman Period in Sicily (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), 144–6.
50 Davis-Weyer, ‘Eine patristische Apologie’, 71–83; Gerhart B. Ladner, Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Vatican City: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, 1941–84), 1: 113–26; Kessler and Zacharias, Rome 1300, 35; Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 170–6. Canonised in 1165 by the antipope, Paschal III (1164–8), Charlemagne and his memory continued to loom large among the German ecclesiastical and secular elite in the second half of the twelfth century: see Robert Folz, Le souvenir et la légende de Charlemagne dans l’Empire germanique médiéval (Paris: Les Belles-Lettres, 1950); Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici seu rectius Cronica, ed. Georg Waitz (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1965), 348 (b.2, c.32), 492–4 (b.3, c.49).
51 Michele Maccarone, Vicarius Christi: storia del titolo papale (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1952), 135–40; Helene Tillmann, Pope Innocent III, trans. Walter Sax (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1980), 22–49; see also Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, ‘Innocent III and the world of symbols of the papacy’, in this special issue, Journal of Medieval History 44, no. 3 (2018): 261–279.
52 Letter of 19 April 1201: Michele Maccarrone, ‘I papi e gli inizi della christianizzazione della Livonia’, in Gli inizi del christianesimo in Livonia-Lettonia (Vatican City: Liberia Editrice Vaticana, 1989), 78–80; Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades 1147–1254 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 113–22.
53 L. Duchesne and others, eds., Le Liber censuum de l’église romaine, 3 vols. (Paris: E. Thorin, 1889–1952), 1: 299; Radke, Papal Palace, 85–6, who discusses the locations of the papal chambers over time.
54 Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 378–9: ‘ … iuxta quam edificavit duas cameras contiguas cum toto vestario quod sub eis fieri fecit, unam videlicet cubicularem et pro secretis consiliis alteram’.
55 Mary Stroll, Symbols as Power: the Papacy Following the Investiture Contest (Leiden: Brill, 1991), 18; Ingo Herklotz, ‘Die Beratungsräume Calixtus’ II. im Lateranpalast und ihre Fresken, Kunst und Propaganda am Ende des Investiturstreits’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 52 (1989): 154–66. For an example of a case heard here during the Fourth Lateran Council, see Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 162–3.
56 Müller, ‘Hariulf’, 104; Zutshi, ‘Roman Curia’, 217.
57 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 165, 176, 181, 188–9. This use of the bedroom followed models from antiquity: Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 17.
58 Gesta Innocentii, 353 (c.148); translated in James M. Powell, trans., The Deeds of Pope Innocent III by an Anonymous Author (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004), 266. For furnishings of other popes’ bedrooms, see Radke, Papal Palace, 86–7, and for those of episcopal and royal households, see Woolgar, Senses in Late Medieval England, 216–17, 236.
59 Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 323; Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 162–6 with sixteenth-century drawings (figures 5–9); Stroll, Symbols as Power, 16–35.
60 Michael McCormick, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium, and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 57–8; Lucy Donkin, Standing on Holy Ground (forthcoming), ‘Chapter 3: Trampling’.
61 Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 162; Leopold Grill, ‘Das Itinerar Ottos von Freising’, in Festschrift Friedrich Hausmann, ed. Herwig Ebner (Graz: Akademische Druck, 1977), 73–4; W.J. Millor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., The Letters of John of Salisbury, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 1: 208 (no. 124); Marjorie Chibnall, ‘Introduction’, in John of Salisbury's Memoirs of the Papal Court, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), xxiii.
62 Arnulf, ‘Epistolae’, in Arnulfi Lexoviensis episcopi, Opera omnia … , vol. 1, ed. J.-P. Migne. Patrologiae cursus completus, series Latina 201 (Paris: J.-P. Migne, 1855), col. 35C (no. 21); translated in Carolyn Schriber, trans., The Letter-Collections of Arnulf of Lisieux (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1997), 51–2 (no. 1.19); for Arnulf's relationship with Alexander III, see Carolyn Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 41–5. For representations of the battle between virtue and vice, see Emile Mâle, The Gothic Image : Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century, trans. Dora Nussey (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 98–105; and for this motif at Westminster, see Paul Binski, The Painted Chamber at Westminster (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1986), 41–2.
63 Building work: Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2: 384. The painting: G. Waits, ed., Chronica regia Coloniensis. MGH, SS 18 (Hanover: Hahn, 1880), 93 (s. a. 1157); Walter, ‘Papal Political Imagery, Part 1’, 166–9; Dale Kinney, ‘Patronage of Art and Architecture’, in Innocent II (1130–43): the World vs the City, eds. John Doran and Damian J. Smith (London: Routledge, 2016), 381–4.
64 Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici, 416 (b.3, c.12): ‘Rex venit ante fores, iurans prius Urbis honores,/ Post homo fit pape, sumit quo date coronam.’ Translated in Charles C. Mierow, trans., The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1953), 184.
65 Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici, 416 (b.3, c.12).
66 This development was reflected in Anglo-Norman literature, see Geoff Rector, ‘Literary Leisure and the Architectural Spaces of Early Anglo-Norman Literature’, in Locating the Middle Ages: the Spaces and Places of Medieval Culture, eds. Julian Weiss and Sarah Salih (London: King's College London, 2012), 164–5.
67 Adam of Eynsham, The Life of St Hugh of Lincoln, eds. and trans. Decima L. Douie and David H. Farmer, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1961–2), 2: 202. Gerald of Wales also produced a biography of Hugh; for its relation to that by Adam, see Richard M. Loomis, ‘Introduction’, in Gerald of Wales: the Life of St Hugh of Avalon, ed. and trans. Richard M. Loomis (New York: Garland, 1985), xxxvi. For a similar layout of rooms at Westminster, see Binski, Painted Chamber, 2; for a discussion of the royal chambers in King Henry II's residences, see Nicholas Vincent, ‘The Court of Henry II’, in Henry II: New Interpretations, eds. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2007), 313–14, 324–5.
68 Hicks, ‘Magnificent Entrances’, 62–3.
69 Radke, Papal Palace, 67. Ushers: Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 312.
70 For a similar role of doorkeepers in King Henry II's residences, see Vincent, ‘Court of Henry II’, 310. See also Knut Görich, Friedrich Barbarossa (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2011), 169–75; Dixon, ‘Design in Castle-Building’, 48.
71 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 312.
72 Walter of Châtillon, The Shorter Poems: Christmas Hymns, Love Lyrics, and Moral-Satirical Verse, ed. and trans. David A. Trail (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2013), 272‒3: ‘Ianitores, / perquos, licet seviores / tigribus et belvis, / intrat dives ere plenus, / pauper autem et egenus / pellitur a ianuis’; translation amended from 273. For Innocent III's awareness of this problem, see Gesta Innocentii, 60 (c.41).
73 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 253–5: ‘ … remotus ab aliis … cum paucis de familia sua secretiore sedebat’.
74 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 253–5.
75 I. Heller, ed., ‘Willelmi Chronica Andrensis’, in Annales aevi Suevici (Supplementa tomorum XVI et XVII. Gesta saec. XII, XIII (Supplementa tomorum XX‒XIII), ed. G. Waitz. MGH, SS 24 (Hanover: Hahn, 1879), 684–773 (737–8); for William's visit to the pope, see Brenda Bolton, ‘A New Rome in a Small Place? Imitation and Re-Creation in the Patrimony of St Peter’, in Rome Across Time and Space: Cultural Transmissions and the Exchange of Ideas, c.500–1400, eds. Claudia Bolgia, Rosamond McKitterick, and John Osborne (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 305–22.
76 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 165, 176, 181, 188; idem, De rebus, 119.
77 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 165–6.
78 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 302, 310–12, 344, 354. For the long waits, see also ‘Willelmi Chronica Andrensis’, 738, 743–4.
79 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 312.
80 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 282, 286, 312; secrets: 284.
81 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 296.
82 Among its visitors was King Philip II of France: Roger of Howden, Gesta regis Henrici secundi Benedicti abbatis, ed. W. Stubbs. Rolls Series 49; 2 vols. (London: Longman, 1867), 2: 228–9. Its treasures were discussed for instance by Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia, eds. and trans. S.E. Banks and J.W. Binns (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 598–600; Gerald of Wales, Speculum ecclesiae, in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, eds. J.S. Brewer and others, 4: 278; and the author of an Icelandic itinerary: Tommaso Marani, ‘The Relics of the Lateran According to Leiðarvísar, the Descriptio Lateranensis ecclesiae, and the Inscription Outside the Sancta sanctorum’, Medium Ævum 81 (2012): 271–88.
83 Miller, Bishop's Palace, 124.
84 Gerald of Wales, De jure, 182–3, 267; Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 358.
85 Thomas of Marlborough, History of Evesham, eds. Sayers and Watkiss, 266, 282, 356. This characterisation is supported by the author of the Gesta Innocentii who – despite otherwise depicting him in a flattering light – described Innocent as ‘by nature somewhat impatient’ (‘naturae tamen aliquantulum indignantis’): Gesta Innocentii, 1 (c.1).