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Articles

Clothing as communication? Vestments and views of the papacy c.1300

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Pages 280-293 | Received 01 Feb 2018, Accepted 28 Feb 2018, Published online: 01 Aug 2018
 

ABSTRACT

This essay argues that Pope Boniface VIII (1294–1303) used clothing in a highly intentional and performative manner to communicate his status and authority. His audience, however, was quite limited – essentially, the small community of those who aspired to hold or influence the power of the Holy See – and the messages conveyed were not particularly complex. Attempting a reception history of papal attire c.1300, the essay surveys remarks regarding clothing in late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century chronicles and analyses in depth the evidence of two sources: ambassadorial reports to King James II of Aragon (1291–1327) and the De electione et coronatione sanctissimi patris domini Bonifatii pape octavi of Cardinal Jacopo Caetani Stefaneschi (c.1270–1343). A suggestive finding is that performativity, or the highly theatrical use of garments, appears to have been used by Boniface VIII to foster dissemination of simple communications across great distances.

Note on contributor

Maureen C. Miller is Professor of History at the University of California, Berkeley. Her work has focused on ecclesiastical institutions and cultures, particularly those of the secular clergy. Her publications include The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993); The Bishop’s Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000); and Clothing the Clergy: Virtue and Power in Medieval Europe, c.800–1200 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014).

Notes

1 The following abbreviation is used in this paper: MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; SS: Scriptores.

Maureen C. Miller, Clothing the Clergy: Virtue and Power in Medieval Europe, c.800–1200 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014), 26–7. A more in-depth study of this garment is Steven A. Schoenig, Bonds of Wool: the Pallium and Papal Power in the Middle Ages (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2016).

2 Miller, Clothing the Clergy, 191–4; in greater detail and with additional bibliography in Maureen C. Miller, Vestire la chiesa: gli abiti del clero nella Roma medievale, trans. Riccardo Cristiani (Rome: Viella, 2014), 49–50, 64–7.

3 Miller, Clothing the Clergy, 179–81, 192–4.

4 Alfred A. Strnad, ‘Giacomo Grimaldis Bericht über die Öffnung des Grabes Papst Bonifaz’ VIII. (1605)’, Römische Quartalschrift für Christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 61 (1966): 191–2; Julian Gardner, ‘Opus anglicanum and Its Medieval Patrons’, in English Medieval Embroidery: Opus anglicanum, eds. Clare Browne, Glyn Davies, and M.A. Michael (New Haven: Yale University Press in association with the Victoria and Albert Museum, 2016), 52–3. I am grateful to Professor Gardner for sharing the text of this catalogue contribution with me before its publication. For Benedict XI’s burial garb, see Maria Luciana Buseghin, ‘I parati di Benedetto XI conservati nella chiesa di San Domenico a Perugia: studi e ricerche’, in Benedetto XI papa domenicano (1240–1304), ed. Alberto Viganò (Florence: Edizioni Nerbini, 2006), 154–5; Anne E. Wardwell, ‘Panni Tartarici: Eastern Islamic Silks Woven with Gold and Silver (13th and 14th Centuries)’, Islamic Art 3 (1988–9): 98, 102, figures 21–2.

5 Bernhard Bischoff, ed., Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, I: Von der Zeit Karls des Großen bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1967), 42, 63–4, 73–4, 107.

6 Bischoff, ed., Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, 40: ‘Una casula de nigro examito cum aurifrigio’; also Riccardo Barsotti, Gli antichi inventari della cattedrale di Pisa (Pisa: Università di Pisa, 1959), 19.

7 See Maureen C. Miller, ‘A Descriptive Language of Dominion? Curial Inventories, Clothing, and Papal Monarchy c.1300’, Textile History 48, no. 2 (2017): 176‒91.

8 Émile Molinier, ‘Inventaire du trésor du Saint-Siège sous Boniface VIII (1295)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 43 (1882): 277–310, 626–46; 45 (1884): 31–57; 46 (1885): 16–44. Molinier distinguishes several types of inventories recording papal treasure: those of the personal treasury of the reigning pontiff; those of the treasury of the Holy See; and those of the treasury of the basilica of St Peter. The items inventoried are numbered in the 1295 inventory and to facilitate reference further citations will be Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, and then the item number. Lucas Burkart, ‘Das Verzeichnis als Schatz: Überlegungen zu einem Inuentarium Thesauri Romane Ecclesie der Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Cod. Ottob. lat. 2516, fol. 126r–132r)’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 86 (2006): 144–207. Regesti Clementis papae V ex Vaticanis archetypis sanctissimi domini nostri Leonis XIII pontificis maximi ivssv et mvnificentia nunc primvm editi cvra et stvdio monachorum ordinis S. Benedicti appendices, vol. 1 (Rome: Typographia Vaticana, 1892), 357–513. I thank the Inter-Library Loan librarians of the Yale University Library for making this volume available to me. On this extraordinary document, see Julian Gardner, ‘The Treasure of Pope Boniface VIII: the Perugian Inventory of 1311’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 34 (2004): 69–86. On the need for new editions, see Pierre-Yves Le Pogam, ‘Les inventaires du trésor pontifical entre la fin du XIIIe siècle et le début du XIVe siècle (1295, 1304, 1311): pour une réédition et une confrontation’, Thesis Cahier d’Histoire des Collections et de Muséologie 7 (2005): 7–39. Hermann Hoberg, Die Inventare des päpstlichen Schatzes in Avignon 1314–1376 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1944).

9 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 881, 891, 902, 904, 916, 952, 967; other garments with English embroidery: nos. 911, 912, 913, 914, 915, 925, 926, 927, 928, 929, 930, 931, 936, 949, 951, 952, 953, 954, 958, 961, 962, 964, 967, 971, 972, 973, 974, 976, 982, 984, 986, 988, 989, 991, 998, 1001, 1005, 1008, 1010, 1018, 1034, 1036. Fine embroidery work from England is known as early as the late eighth- or early ninth-century casula of Sts Harlindis and Relindis: Mildred Budney and Dominic Tweddle, ‘The Early Medieval Textiles at Maaseik, Belgium’, Antiquaries Journal 65 (1985): 353–89. The term opus anglicanum, however, has tended since the late nineteenth century to be used more specifically to denote embroideries produced in England, chiefly in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, distinguished by the technique of ‘underside couching’: Mechthild Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation and Research: a Documentation of the Textile Department on the Occasion of the Twentieth Anniversary of the Abegg Foundation (Bern: Schriften der Abegg-Stiftung, 1988), 118; Gale R. Owen-Crocker, Elizabeth Coatsworth, and Maria Hayward, eds., Encyclopedia of Dress and Textiles in the British Isles c.450–1450 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), s.v. Opus anglicanum, 392–7; Miller, Clothing the Clergy, 131, 250.

10 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, no. 890: ‘unum pluviale de examito rubeo brodatum ad aurum de opere ciprensi cum rotis in quibus sunt grifones et aquile cum duobus capitibus, et due aves respicientes quemdam florem’; other vestments with ‘Cyprus work’, nos. 882, 890, 891, 892, 893, 894, 895, 906, 908, 910, 915, 919, 923, 943, 980, 987.

11 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 897, 898, 907, 920, 932, 933, 941, 946, 947, 949, 963, 978, 987, 994, 1000, 1001, 1014, 1019, 1098. On Tartar cloths, ‘a generic name applied to a large and varied group of silks woven in Mongol-ruled territories of Central Asia and the Middle East’, see David Jacoby, ‘Oriental Silks Go West: a Declining Trade in the Later Middle Ages’, in Islamic Artefacts in the Mediterranean World: Trade, Gift Exchange and Artistic Transfer, eds. Catarina Schmidt Arcangeli and Gerhard Wolf (Venice: Marsilio, 2010), 71–8.

12 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, no. 897: ‘unum pluviale de panno tartarico rubeo ad aurum cum frixio de Alamania’; other examples of German embroidery: Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 886, 983, 1039.

13 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 958 (‘de panno salernitano’), 1016 (‘de panno lucano’), 1022 (‘de tela Remensi’).

14 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 901, 921, 930, 934, 937, 959, 961, 973, 990, 992, 999, 1016, 1047, 1066, 1072.

15 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 929, 930, 931, 938, 939, 942, 960, 962.

16 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 887, 937, 944, 957, 959, 976, 996, 1031, 1035.

17 See n. 3.

18 Eugene Müntz and Arthur Lincoln Frothingham, ‘Il tesoro della basilica di S. Pietro in Vaticano dal XIII al XV secolo con una scelta d’inventari inediti’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 6 (1883): 1–137.

19 Valentina Brancone, Il tesoro dei cardinali del duecento: inventari di libri e di beni mobili (Florence: SISMEL‒Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009) publishes new editions of the inventories printed in the nineteenth century cited below and adds newly discovered material. I will cite her edition, but readers may also consult Maurice Prou, ‘Inventaire des meubles du cardinal Geoffroi d’Alatri (1287)’, Mélanges d’Archaéologie et d’Histoire 5 (1885): 382–411; Annibale Teneroni, ‘Inventario di sacri arredi appartenuti ai cardinali Bentivenga e Matteo Bentivegna d’Acquasparta’, Archivio Storico Italiano 5, no. 2 (1888): 260–6; Guido Levi, ‘Il cardinale Ottaviano degli Ubaldini secondo il suo carteggio ed altri documenti’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 14 (1891): 231–303.

20 Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, I testamenti dei cardinali del duecento (Rome: Società romana di storia patria alla Biblioteca Vallicelliana, 1980).

21 Miller, ‘Descriptive Language’, 180‒1.

22 Miller, ‘Descriptive Language’, 178‒9; on European imitations of Eastern prestige fabrics, see David Jacoby, ‘Silk Economics and Cross-Cultural Artistic Interaction: Byzantium, the Muslim World, and the Christian West’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58 (2004): 217–18; idem, ‘Oriental Silks Go West’, 71, 77–9; Sharon Farmer, ‘Medieval Paris and the Mediterranean: the Evidence from the Silk Industry’, French Historical Studies 37, no. 3 (2014): 402.

23 Christiane Elster, ‘Liturgical Textiles as Papal Donations in Late Medieval Italy’, in Dressing the Part: Textiles as Propaganda in the Middle Ages, eds. Kate Dimitrova and Margaret Goehring (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 65–79, 177–85 (179, n. 15).

24 I thank the author for sharing this study with me before its publication: Christiane Elster, ‘Inventories and Textiles of the Papal Treasury around the Year 1300: Concepts of Papal Representation in Written and Material Media’, in Inventories of Textiles – Textiles in Inventories: Studies on Late Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture, eds. Thomas Ertl and Barbara Karl (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2017), 34–41. Julian Gardner has also linked several other surviving garments to those described in papal inventories: Gardner, ‘Opus anglicanum and Its Medieval Patrons’, 54–5.

25 Miller, Vestire la chiesa, 9–10, 104–5. The Bologna cope, datable to the very end of the thirteenth century, is mentioned in a 1390 inventory from the convent of S. Domenico as ‘unum pluviale magnum cum figuris contextum de auro et fuit domini Benedicti pape’. Almost certainly this was Pope Benedict XI, a Dominican, and provincial of Lombardy for the order in 1286 and 1293: Francesca Bignozzi Montefusto, Il piviale di San Domenico (Bologna: Casa Editrice Prof. Riccardo Pàtron, 1970), 35–6; on its iconography, see Cristina Bussolati, ‘Il piviale di San Domenico: una proposta di lettura’, Arte e Bologna: Bollettino dei Musei Civici d’Arte Antica 3 (1993): 93–104. On the Lateran cope, A.G.I. Christie, English Medieval Embroidery, a Brief Survey of English Embroidery Dating from the Beginning of the Tenth Century until the End of the Fourteenth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1938), 149–52, plates CII–CV; Rossana Buono, Il museo di S. Giovanni in Laterano (Rome: Fratelli Palombi Editori, 1986), 38–9, 41; Maria Andaloro, ‘Il tesoro della basilica di S. Giovanni in Laterano’, in San Giovanni in Laterano, ed. Carlo Pietrangeli (Florence: Nardini, 1990), 271–97, especially 275, where she affirms a dating to the late thirteenth century. Julian Gardner, ‘Opus anglicanum, Goldsmithwork, Manuscript Illumination and Ivories in the Rome of Boniface VIII’, in Le culture di Bonifacio VIII: atti del convegno organizzato nell’ambito delle celebrazioni per il VII centenario della morte, Bologna, 13–15 dicembre 2004 (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 2006), 163–79; idem, The Roman Crucible: the Artistic Patronage of the Papacy 1198–1304 (Munich: Hirmer Verlag, 2013), 209–12.

26 Regesti Clementis papae V, 417: ‘planetam pulcram de panno tartarico rubeo, laborato ad compassus de auro … Et habet aurifrigia de opere anglicano ante et retro, laborata ad cruces albas et rosas rubeas de serico.’

27 The Italian-French division had been present in the college from the late twelfth century with roughly 80% of the cardinals from Italy, 18% from France and the rest of Christendom accounting for the remaining 2%: J.F. Broderick, ‘The Sacred College of Cardinals: Size and Geographical Composition (1099–1986)’, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 25 (1987): 16–21; on the ecclesiastical politics of the era see Bernhard Schimmelpfennig, The Papacy, trans. James Sievert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 193–200; specifically on Boniface VIII: Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII (Turin: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 2003), especially 282–366.

28 Elster, ‘Inventories and Textiles’, 49–50; Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: a Study in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd, 1965), 413–14, 447–8; Schimmelpfenig, Papacy, 181–3, 196; Emanuele Conte, ‘La bolla Unam sanctam e i fondamenti del potere papale fra diritto e teologia’, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome Moyen Âge 113, no. 1 (2001): 663–84.

29 Giovanni Villani, Nuova cronica, ed. Giuseppe Porta. 3 vols. (Parma: Fondazione Pietro Bembo/Ugo Guanda Editore, 2007), 2: 58, 117 (b.9, c.63): ‘ma come magnanimo e valente, disse: “Da che per tradimento, come Gesù Cristo, voglio esser preso e mi conviene morire, almeno voglio morire come papa”; e di presente si fece parare dell’amanto di san Piero, e colla corona di Gostantino in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, in su la sedia papale si puose a sedere.’ As noted by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, the detail of Boniface putting on ‘the mantle of St Peter’ also appears in the Storie pistoresi: Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII, 354 n. 35; Silvio Adrasto Barbi, ed., Storie pistoresi [MCCC–MCCCXLVIII]. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (new edn.) 11, part 5 (Città di Castello: S. Lapi, 1907), 239 (rubr. 150). Guglielmo Ventura, a pepper merchant from Asti, also witnessed the jubilee of 1300 but recorded in his chronicle only a report on prices, comments on the great crowds in attendance and the observation that the pope made a lot of money, appending a transcription of the indulgence: Elio Arleri, Osvaldo Campassi, and Giuseppe Tartaglino, eds., and Natale Ferro, trans., Gli antichi cronisti astesi Ogerio Alfieri, Guglielmo Ventura e Secondino Ventura secondo il testo dei Monumenta Historiae Patriae volume V, Scriptores tomo III, Torino 1848 (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 1990), 64–5.

30 Henry G.T. Beck, ‘William Hundleby’s Account of the Anagni Outrage’, Catholic Historical Review 32 (1946): 195–6.

31 Ludwig Schmugge, ‘Fiadoni, Bartolomeo (Tolomeo, Ptolomeo da Lucca)’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, ed. Alberto M. Ghisalberti (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960–, in progress), 47: 317–20.

32 Tolomeo da Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica nova, eds. Ottavio Clavuot and Ludwig Schmugge. MGH SS 39 (Hanover: Hahn, 2009), 607–13 (b.23, c.28–36).

33 Tolomeo da Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica nova, 641 et seq.; this is the manuscript C continuation that the editors believe highly likely to be the work of Tolomeo (‘Einleitung’, xxii–xxviii).

34 L. Fumi, ed., Ephemerides Urbevetana dal Cod. Vaticano Urbinate 1745. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (new edn.) 15, part 5 (Città di Castello: S. Lapi, 1903), 162, 169. The account in this chronicle of the attack on Pope Boniface VIII at Anagni (174) reported only that ‘papa paravit se pontificaliter, timens occidi’. The statues of himself Boniface VIII had erected at two city gates, ‘ad magnificentiam dicti pape’, elicited more notice (134, 170).

35 G.H. Pertz, ed., Annales et notae Parmenses et Ferrarienses: Annales Parmenses maiores (a. 1165–1335), in Annales aevi Suevici, ed. G.H. Pertz. MGH SS in folio 18 (Hanover: Hahn, 1863), 714, 724, 729. Nor did the Sienese chronicle of Andreas Dei or the Annales Cavenses remark on papal clothing: Andreas Dei, Chronicon Senense (1186–1328). Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 15 (Milan: Ex Typographia Societatis Palatinae, 1729), 11–128; G.H. Pertz, ed., ‘Annales Cavenses’, in Annales, chronica et historiae aevi Saxonici, ed. G.H. Pertz. MGH SS in folio 3 (Hanover: Hahn, 1839), 185–97.

36 Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Scalia. 2 vols. (Bari: Gius. Laterza & Figli, 1966), 1: 467, 476; 2: 646–8: ‘Ego vero eram iuxta papam, ita ut possem eum tangere, quando vellem’ (2: 648).

37 Salimbene, Cronica, 2: 746–7.

38 Salimbene, Cronica, 2: 752, ‘ … de scarleto cum pulcra pelle varia … in capite pulcherrimam capellinam de variis et clamidem de scarleto cum variis pellibus adornatam’, 754.

39 D.D. Bartolan, ‘Cronaca romana dall’anno 1288 al 1301’, Nuovo Archivio Veneto 33, no. 1 (1887): 425–33.

40 Pietro Egidi, ‘Le croniche di Viterbo scritte da frate Francesco d’Andrea’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 24 (1901): 197–252, 299–371; Riccobaldus Ferrariensis, Compendium Romanae historiae, ed. A. Teresa Hankey (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1984). O. Holder-Egger, ed., ‘Chronicon breve summorum pontificum (1241–1316)’, in Ex rerum Francogallicarum scriptoribus. Ex historiis auctorum Flandrensium Francogallica lingua scriptis. Supplementum tomi XXIV, ed. G. Waitz. MGH SS in folio 26 (Hanover: Hahn, 1882), 439–40, gives just brief notices; and O. Holder-Egger, ed., ‘Continuatio chronici pontificum ex Gilberto (1187–1243)’, in Annales aevi Suevici (Supplementa tomorum XVI et XVII). Gesta saec. XII. XIII. (Supplementa tomorum XX–XXIII), ed. G. Waitz. MGH SS 24 (Hanover: Hahn, 1879), 140–1, lists only election and death dates with the length of pontificate. The Cronichetta inedita del monastero di S. Andrea ‘ad clivum Scauri’, in Il Muratori: Raccolta di documenti storici inediti o rari tratti dagli archivi italiani pubblici e private, ed. Isidoro Carini. 3 vols. (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1892–4), fasc. 7–8, 2: 5–58, contains three entries (VII–IX, on 29–31) on the pontificate of Boniface VIII, but none mentions clothing.

41 Saba Malaspina, Der Chronik des Saba Malaspina, eds. Walter Koller and August Nitsche. MGH SS 35 (Hanover: Hahn, 1999), 188 (b.4, c.6), 198 (b.4, c.13).

42 Miller, Clothing the Clergy, 96–140, especially 133–7.

43 Salimbene, Cronica, 1: 615: ‘Missalia, paramenta et corporalia habent indecentia, grossa, nigra et maculata … Multa mulieres habent meliores ligaturas subtellarium, quam multi sacerdotes habeant cingulum, stolam et manipulum, ut vidi oculis meis.’

44 Berardo Pio, ‘Malaspina, Saba’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani 67: 803–6.

45 Jean Coste, ed., Boniface VIII en procès: articles d’accusation et dépositions des témoins (1303–1311) (Rome: Fondazione Camillo Caetani/L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1995), 621–733; for this series of interrogations conducted from 17 August to 9 September 1310 in Provence regarding a disputatio said to have occurred in Naples in 1294 when Benedict Caetani was still a cardinal, see Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII, 52–4. Typical questions testing the witness’s memory were: ‘ubi audivit … in quo loco’, ‘qui erant presentes’ (652), ‘quibus vestibus erat tunc dictus cardinalis indutus’ (653).

46 Coste, ed., Boniface VIII en procès, 513, 665; others unable to recall details: 675, 706–7, 732.

47 Coste, ed., Boniface VIII en procèss: ‘erat indutus de scarleto desuper’ (671), ‘supra camisiam mantellum de blaveto’ (685), ‘unum mantellum de scarleto’ (717), ‘habens mantellum rubeum de scarletto’ (723).

48 Heinrich Finke, ed., Acta Aragonensia: Quellen zur deutschen, italienischen, französischen, spanischen, zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte aus der diplomatischen Korrespondenz Jaymes II. (1291–1327). 3 vols. (Berlin: W. Rothschild, 1908–22), 1: 152–3. On diplomatic gifts in the papal court see Karsten Plöger, England and the Avignon Popes: the Practice of Diplomacy in Late Medieval Europe (Leeds: Maney Publishing, 2005), 209–18.

49 Finke, ed., Acta Aragonensia, 1: 133–5, analysed in Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII, 391–5.

50 Finke, ed., Acta Aragonensia, 1: 134: ‘el se calça calces de preset vermeyll e çabats daurades et esperons deaurats et vestes tot de preset vermeyll’.

51 Finke, ed., Acta Aragonensia, 1: 134: ‘E puix pres una esp[aa] et hisque de fora et dix a tots, si creyen, que el fos enperadore et els dixeren, que hoc. Jo, dich el, me som axi vestit per ço, con yo som sobre totes coses de la chrestiandat. La creu, que port detras, port per ço con son papa, lespaa, que tench ab m[es mans], os devets creure cascuns, que nostre senyor la dona a sent Pere en significança, qu dela .I. tayl deges tenir dretura per lo celestial e per laltre deges tenir dretura terrenal, e que per aquela raho avia presa aquela espaa.’

52 Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII, 291–5.

53 This work is part of the larger Opus metricum published in Franz Xaver Seppelt, ed., Monumenta Coelestiniana: Quellen zur Geschichte des Papstes Coelestin V (Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1921), 84–109; on Stefaneschi, see Paravicini Bagliani, Bonifacio VIII, xx–xxi; and on the cardinal’s extraordinary artistic patronage, Gardner, ‘Opus anglicanum and Its Medieval Patrons’, 54; idem, Roman Crucible, 31–4.

54 Seppelt, ed., Monumenta Coelestiniana, 101: ‘Adventabat equo, candens diademate palla/Aurataque super palla, nam cuspide plume/Cyprensis consuta nitet.’ My thanks to Bruce Venarde for his suggestions on translating this.

55 Molinier, ‘Inventaire’, nos. 882, 890, 891, 892, 893, 894, 895, 906, 908, 910, 915, 919, 923, 945, 980, 987 (seven copes, 10 chasubles, one dalmatic, and one tunicle). On this type of embroidery, see Jannic Durand and Marielle Martiniani-Reber, ‘Opus Ciprense – oiselets, or de Chypre et broderies’, in Chypre entre Byzance et l’Occident IVe–XVIe siècle, eds. Jannic Durand and Dorota Giovannoni (Paris: Musée du Louvre, 2012), 266–72.

56 Elster, ‘Inventories and Textiles’, 38–42.

57 Seppelt, ed., Monumenta Coelestiniana, 92‒3, 95, 98‒101. Charles Martel’s claim to the Hungarian throne came through his mother, Maria of Hungary, but the kingdom was in fact ruled by the Árpád Andrew III (r. 1290–1301).

58 Here confirming Elster, ‘Inventories and Textiles’, 31; see also Gardner, ‘Opus anglicanum and Its Medieval Patrons’, 55.

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