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Articles

He who laughs last laughs the loudest: the 2021 donchi-kubeba (don’t tell) elections in Zambia

Rira bien qui rira le dernier : les élections donchi-kubeba (ne dis pas) de 2021 en Zambie

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ABSTRACT

Most Africanist scholars stress the importance of clientelism in determining electoral outcomes and patrimonialism and the use of force in enabling ruling parties to prolong their stay in power. This article, which draws upon various instances of participant observation and interviews regarding the 2021 elections in Zambia, contributes to the few studies that emphasise the limits of clientelism and patrimonialism in African politics and the agency of voters or subordinate groups to hold their leaders accountable. It does so by showing how Zambian voters sought to secure benefits from clientelist campaigns, patrimonial rule and trade union campaigns to win changes in state policies, publicly promising reciprocity and loyalty when under the gaze of the ruling party actors, only to vote them out of power.

RESUMÉ

La plupart des chercheurs africanistes soulignent l’importance du clientélisme et du patrimonialisme dans la détermination des résultats électoraux, ainsi que dans l’usage de la force pour permettre aux partis au pouvoir d’y prolonger leur séjour. Cet article, qui s’appuie sur diverses observations et entretiens de participants aux élections de 2021 en Zambie, contribue aux rares études qui soulignent les limites du clientélisme et du patrimonialisme dans la politique africaine, mettant plutôt en avant l’agentivité des électeurs ou des groupes subordonnés à tenir leurs dirigeants pour responsables. Il le fait en montrant comment les électeurs zambiens ont cherché à tirer profit des campagnes clientélistes, de la règle patrimoniale et des campagnes syndicales pour obtenir des changements dans les politiques de l’État, en promettant publiquement réciprocité et loyauté aux membres du parti au pouvoir, pour ensuite les y chasser.

Acknowledgements

I express my gratitude to Roy Moobola and Miles Larmer for providing me with the 2016 and 2021 elections results.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 Interviewees’ names have been changed throughout this article.

2 Sata served in the governments of Zambia’s first president, Kenneth Kaunda, and its second president, Frederick Chiluba.

3 Zambian newspapers have been operating a propagandistic style for some years. As such, they should be read sceptically.

4 One of the videos shows a PF cadre warning opposition candidates from standing against PF minister Dora Siliya while displaying stacks of cash he allegedly got from her.

5 JCTR is a non-governmental organisation run by the Catholic Church that measures the cost of living in Zambia reports for 2011 and 2021.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

James Musonda

James Musonda’s recent publications focus on debt, gender, family, elections, safety and unions. He recently organised a conference advocating for maximising benefits for Zambians. He has participated in several miners’ protests organised against big mining companies’ unfair labour practices. His PhD thesis draws upon 18 months’ intensive fieldwork in the Zambian underground mines where he worked as a helper and in two mining communities where he lived among his informants.

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