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Abstract

In June 2020, the government of Tanzania declared that Covid-19 had been eradicated from the country. As the figures released by Tanzania’s Ministry of Health since March 2021 show, this was not true. Taking this claim as an example of authoritarian propaganda, this article tackles the issue of ‘reception’ by asking if Tanzanians believed the government. Data from a nationally representative survey conducted close to the 2020 general elections suggest that one-third of respondents did believe the government’s declaration that Covid-19 had been eradicated from the country, although the government’s prior and less audacious claim – that the number of cases was declining – appears to have been more persuasive. The article also presents other evidence regarding the behaviour of Tanzanians during this period, which is consistent with these findings, before discussing why some Tanzanians bought into the government’s propaganda while others did not. The article concludes by arguing that the Tanzanian case shows that propaganda that may appear implausible to some audiences may be far more credible to others.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Denis Konga for research assistance and Jean-Benoît Falisse for commenting on an early draft and his support in creating the two figures. They are also thankful for the contributions to survey design from Mychelle Balthazard, Jean-François Daoust, Jean-Benoît Falisse, Paul Nugent and Patrick Vinck, and the comments from the three anonymous reviewers. The research on which this article was based was funded by the Global Challenges Research Fund and the Newton Fund (EP/V028464/1).

Notes

1 The SARS-CoV-2 virus causes the infectious disease known as coronavirus disease (Covid-19). Covid-19 is short for ‘coronavirus disease 2019’, which WHO first learned of on 31 December 2019. World Health Organization (WHO), ‘Coronavirus disease (Covid-19)’, available at https://www.who.int/news-room/questions-and-answers/item/coronavirus-disease-covid-19, retrieved 9 December 2023; WHO, ‘Novel Coronavirus (2019-nCoV) Situation Report 22’, available at https://www.who.int/docs/default-source/coronaviruse/situation-reports/20200211-sitrep-22-ncov.pdf, retrieved 9 December 2023.

2 ‘Covid-19: Magufuli Must Stop Burying His Head in the Sand’, The Star, Nairobi, 22 February 2021, available at https://www.the-star.co.ke/opinion/leader/2021-02-22-covid-19-magufuli-must-stop-burying-his-head-in-the-sand/, retrieved 24 February 2021; J. Devermont and M. Harris, ‘Implications of Tanzania’s Bungled Response to Covid-19’, CSIS, Washington DC, 26 May 2020, available at https://www.csis.org/analysis/implications-tanzanias-bungled-response-covid-19, retrieved 30 May 2020; L. Chutel, ‘Africa’s Covid-19 Denialist-in-Chief’, Foreign Policy, Washington DC, 17 February 2021, available at https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/02/17/tanzania-president-magufuli-coronavirus-pandemic-denial/, retrieved 25 February 2021.

3 ‘Tanzania President Magufuli Says Hospital Numbers Reducing’, BBC, London, 17 May 2020, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-52697508, retrieved 19 May 2020.

4 ‘John Magufuli Declares Tanzania Free of Covid-19’, BBC, 8 June 2020, available at https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-52966016, retrieved 19 July 2020.

5 B. Taylor, ‘Omicron Wave Reaches Tanzania’, Tanzanian Affairs, London, 1 January 2022, available at https://www.tzaffairs.org/2022/01/health-coronavirus/, retrieved 9 January 2022; United Republic of Tanzania Ministry of Health, ‘Covid-19 Situation Report #27’, available at https://www.moh.go.tz/storage/app/uploads/public/623/bf6/9a3/623bf69a3d819268181372.pdf, retrieved 6 July 2022.

6 This was part of a broader UKRI-funded research project (Grant Number: EP/V028464/1) on African elections during the Covid-19 pandemic, which also involves case studies of the Central African Republic and Ghana. Available at https://aecp.sps.ed.ac.uk/, retrieved 9 December 2023.

7 T. Huckin, ‘Propaganda Defined’, in G.L. Henderson and M.J. Braun (eds), Propaganda and Rhetoric in Democracy: History, Theory, Analysis (Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 2016), p. 126.

8 M. Hassan, D. Mattingly and E.R. Nugent, ‘Political Control’, Annual Review of Political Science, 25, 1 (May 2022), pp. 155–74.

9 Ibid., p. 161.

10 D. Mattingly and E. Yao, ‘How Soft Propaganda Persuades’, Comparative Political Studies, 55, 9 (2022), p. 1570.

11 See, for example, M. Edel and M. Josua, ‘How Authoritarian Rules Seek to Legitimize Repression: Framing Mass Killings in Egypt and Uzbekistan’, Democratization, 25, 5 (2018), pp. 882–900; A. Dukalskis and C. Patane, ‘Justifying Power: When Autocracies Talk about Themselves and Their Opponents’, Contemporary Politics, 25, 4 (2019), pp. 457–78.

12 M. Josua, ‘Legitimation Towards Whom? Managing the Legitimacy Crisis in Algeria During the Arab Uprisings’, Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, 11, 2 (2017), pp. 301–24.

13 Dukalskis and Patane, ‘Justifying Power’.

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15 H. Huang, ‘The Pathology of Hard Propaganda’, The Journal of Politics, 80, 3 (2018), pp. 1034–38; L. Wedeen, Ambiguities of Domination: Politics, Rhetoric, and Symbols in Contemporary Syria (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1999).

16 Huang, ‘Pathology’.

17 Ibid.

18 H. Huang, ‘Propaganda as Signalling’, Comparative Politics, 47, 4 (2015), p. 435.

19 See, for example, Huang, ‘Pathology’; Huang, ‘Propaganda as Signalling’; Mattingly and Yao, ‘How Soft’.

20 V. Chung-Hon Shih, ‘“Nauseating” Displays of Loyalty: Monitoring the Factional Bargain through Ideological Campaigns in China’, The Journal of Politics, 70, 4 (2008), pp. 1177–92.

21 Wedeen, Ambiguities, p. 6.

22 V. Havel, ‘The Power of the Powerless’, East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 32, 2 (2018, [1978]), pp. 353–408.

23 Wedeen, Ambiguities, p. 2.

24 Huang, ‘Pathology’, p. 1034.

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26 D. Chen and A. MacDonald, ‘Bread and Circuses: Sports and Public Opinion in China’, Journal of Experimental Political Science, 7, 1 (2020), pp. 41–55.

27 Mattingly and Yao, ‘How Soft’.

28 Peisakhin and Rozenas, ‘Electoral Effects’, p. 536.

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33 A. Spadaro, ‘Covid-19: Testing the Limits of Human Rights’, European Journal of Risk Regulation, 11, 2 (2020), pp. 317–25; see also E. Chenoweth, ‘Can Nonviolent Resistance Survive Covid-19?’, Journal of Human Rights, 21, 3 (2022), pp. 304–16.

34 S. Badran and B. Turnbull, ‘The Covid-19 Pandemic and Authoritarian Consolidation in North Africa’, Journal of Human Rights, 21, 3 (2022), pp. 263–82.

35 C.B. Frey, C. Chen and G. Presidente, ‘Democracy, Culture and Contagion: Political Regimes and Countries Responsiveness to Covid-19’, Covid Economics, 18 (2020), pp. 222–38, available at https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:06808503-78e4-404f-804f-1f97ab2c7d7e, retrieved 9 February 2023; G. Cepaluni, M. Dorsch and R. Branyiczki, ‘Political Regimes and Deaths in the Early Stages of the Covid-19 Pandemic’, Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice, 37, 1 (2022), pp. 27–53; J.A. Cheibub, J.Y.J. Hong and A. Przeworski, ‘Rights and Deaths: Government Reactions to the Pandemic’, SSRN, 9 July 2020, available at https://ssrn.com/abstract=3645410, retrieved 9 December 2023; see also L. Yao, M. Li, J.Y. Wan, S.C. Howard, J.E. Bailey and J.C. Graff, ‘Democracy and Case Fatality Rate of Covid-19 at Early Stage of Pandemic: A Multi-Country Study’, Environmental Science and Pollution Research, 29, 6 (2022), pp. 8694–704.

36 M.M. Kavanagh and R. Singh, ‘Democracy, Capacity, and Coercion in Pandemic Response: Covid-19 in Comparative Political Perspective’, Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, 45, 6 (2020), p. 1004.

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38 N. Kovalčíková and A. Tabatabai, ‘Five Authoritarian Pandemic Messaging Frames and How to Respond’, GMF, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Washington DC, 4 August 2020, available at https://www.gmfus.org/news/five-authoritarian-pandemic-messaging-frames-and-how-respond, retrieved 17 January 2022.

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40 N. Cheeseman, H. Matfess and A. Amani, ‘Tanzania: The Roots of Repression’, Journal of Democracy, 32, 2 (2021) pp. 77–89.

41 M. Collord, ‘Tanzania’s 2020 Election: Return of the One-Party State’, Études de l’Ifri, report, Paris, 9 February 2021, p. 12, available at https://www.ifri.org/en/publications/etudes-de-lifri/tanzanias-2020-election-return-one-party-state, retrieved 15 April 2021.

42 Ibid., p. 16.

43 ‘At the Edge of Democracy: Tanzania towards 2020. A Pre-Election Report’, Tanzania Elections Watch, 22 October 2020, available at https://dc.sourceafrica.net/documents/120785-Tanzania-Election-Watch-At-the-Edge-of-Democracy.html, retrieved 17 November 2020; B. Taylor, ‘Tanzania’s Election Results are Predictable. What Happens Next is Not’, African Arguments, London, 27 October 2020, available at https://africanarguments.org/2020/10/tanzania-election-results-are-predictable-what-happens-next-is-not/, retrieved 1 November 2020.

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73 L. Kalumbia, ‘Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania Cautions its Faithful of Covid-19 Risk’, The Citizen, 31 January 2021, available at https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/news/national/evangelical-lutheran-church-of-tanzania-cautions-its-faithful-of-covid-19-risk-3274962, retrieved 6 February 2021; F. Nzwili, ‘Tanzania Bishops Urge More Covid Protection’, The Tablet, London, 4 February 2021, available at https://www.thetablet.co.uk/news/13824/tanzania-bishops-urge-more-covid-protection, retrieved 11 February 2021. See also K. Said, ‘In the Name of Jesus: How the Church Forced Tanzania to Change its Stance on Covid-19’, The Elephant, 12 March 2021, available at https://www.theelephant.info/long-reads/2021/03/12/in-the-name-of-jesus-how-the-church-forced-tanzania-to-change-its-stance-on-covid-19/, retrieved 17 November 2021.

74 B. Materu, ‘Tanzanians Urged to Use Traditional Medicine for Covid-19’, The East African, 1 February 2021, available at https://allafrica.com/stories/202102030058.html, retrieved 8 February 2021; J. Otukho, ‘Mbeya Regional Commissioner Chalamila Warns Against Usage of Phrase “sudden death”‘, Toku, Nairobi, 7 February 2021, available at https://www.tuko.co.ke/402215-tanzania-mbeya-regional-commissioner-chalamila-warns-usage-phrase-sudden-death.html, retrieved 19 March 2021.

75 Mwanahalisi Digital, Twitter, 27 January 2021, available at https://twitter.com/Mwanahalisitz/status/1354360740010995713, retrieved 6 May 2022.

76 ‘Death Robs Tanzania of 10 Prominent Persons in February’, The East African, 23 February 2021, available at https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/-death-robs-tanzania-of-10-prominent-persons-in-february-3301530, retrieved 23 February 2021.

77 ‘President Magufuli’s Death Announcement by VP Samia Suluhu Hassan’, NTV Kenya, Nairobi, 17 March 2021, available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PMV4GiybKY4, retrieved 26 May 2021.

78 I. Shivji, ‘The Dialectics of Maguphilia and Maguphobia’, CODESRIA Bulletin Online, Dakar, 13 June 2021, p. 1, available at https://www.journals.codesria.org/index.php/codesriabulletin/article/view/735, retrieved 17 November 2021.

79 ‘Magufuli Died from Coronavirus, Says Tanzania Opposition Leader’, Capital FM, Nairobi, 18 March 2021, available at https://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2021/03/magufuli-died-from-coronavirus-says-tanzania-opposition-leader/, retrieved 20 March 2021.

80 See L. Mwainyekule and F. Frimpong, ‘The Pandemic and the Economy of Africa: Conflicting Strategies Between Tanzania and Ghana’, Digital Government: Research and Practice, 1, 4 (2020), pp. 1–8.

81 ‘Magufuli: Our Economy Comes First in Covid-19 Fight’, The Citizen, 17 May 2020, available at https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/news/Magufuli–Our-economy-comes-first-in-Covid-19-fight/1840340-5555628-iu5ti6z/index.html, retrieved 18 May 2020.

82 Ibid.

83 Dukalskis and Gerschewski, ‘What Autocracies’; World Bank, ‘Maintaining Tanzania’s Lower-Middle Income Status Post-Covid-19 Will Depend on Strengthening Resilience’, press release (Washington DC, World Bank, 3 March 2021), available at https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2021/03/03/maintaining-tanzanias-lower-middle-income-status-post-covid-19-will-depend-on-strengthening-resilience, retrieved 7 March 2021.

84 L. Meek, ‘Intersections of Political Power, Religion, and Public Health in Africa: Covid-19, Tanzanian President Magufuli, and Nigerian Prophet T.B. Joshua’, Somatosphere, 12 November 2021, available at http://somatosphere.net/2021/magufuli-joshua-public-health-covid-tanzania-meek.html/, retrieved 2 February 2022.

85 ‘Magufuli Dies: The Cause of Death is Shrouded in Mystery’, Africa Research Bulletin, 58, 3 (2021), p. 23080B, available at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2021.09903.x?saml_referrer, retrieved 23 April 2021.

86 Taylor, ‘Omicron Wave’.

87 ‘Government by Gesture’, The Economist, 26 May 2016, available at https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2016/05/26/government-by-gesture, retrieved 7 February 2022; T. Gwaambuka, ‘Is Magufuli an Impulsive Mad Dictator?’, Jamiiforums, 22 June 2016, available at https://www.jamiiforums.com/threads/is-magufuli-an-impulsive-mad-dictator.1069507/, retrieved 7 February 2022.

88 Lihiru, ‘Covid-19’, p. 8.

89 Collaboration on International ICT Policy (CIPESA), ‘Tanzania Tramples Digital Rights in Fight Against Covid-19’, blog (Kampala, CIPESA, 19 October 2020), available at https://cipesa.org/2020/10/tanzania-tramples-digital-rights-in-fight-against-covid-19-as-elections-loom/, retrieved 25 October 2020.

90 ‘Tanzania Opposition Leader Attacked Months before the Elections’, Al Jazeera, 9 June 2020, available at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/6/9/tanzania-opposition-leader-attacked-months-before-the-elections, retrieved 10 June 2020.

91 S. Awami, ‘“My Tanzanian family is split over coronavirus”’, BBC, 29 July 2020, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-53492436, retrieved 1 August 2020.

92 CIPESA, ‘Tanzania Tramples Rights’.

93 Ibid.

94 United Nations Human Rights (UNHR) Office of the High Commissioner, ‘UN Experts Call on Tanzania to End Crackdown on Civic Space’, press release, Geneva, 22 July 2020, available at https://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=26117&LangID=E, retrieved 17 March 2021.

95 K. Weghorst, ‘Political Attitudes and Response Bias in Semi-Democratic Regimes: A Survey Experiment Comparing the List Experiment and Randomized Response in Tanzania’, (unpublished online paper, Nashville, 2015), available at https://www.keithweghorst.com/uploads/9/0/4/7/9047071/weghorst_lerrt_2015.pdf, retrieved 8 August 2021. See also K. Croke, ‘Tools of Single Party Hegemony in Tanzania: Evidence from Surveys and Survey Experiments’, Democratization, 24, 2 (2017), pp. 189–208, available at https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2016.1146696, retrieved 12 March 2021.

96 For example, ‘Democracy vs Development in Magufuli’s Tanzania’, The East African, 14 October 2016, available at https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/democracy-vs-development-in-magufuli-s-tanzania-1356634, retrieved 15 March 2021; ‘Magufuli Keeps Nation on a High’, The Citizen, 12 February 2016, available at https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/news/national/magufuli-keeps-nation-on-a-high–2547230, retrieved 15 March 2021.

97 ‘The Overriding Issues in Tanzania’s 2020 Election Campaign So Far’, The Citizen, 7 September 2020, available at https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/news/national/-the-overriding-issues-in-tanzania-s-2020-election-campaign-so-far-2715810, retrieved 8 September 2020.

98 D. Paget, ‘The Rally-Intensive Campaign: A Distinct Form of Electioneering in Sub-Saharan Africa and Beyond’, The International Journal of Press/Politics, 24, 4 (2019), pp. 444–64, https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161219847952, retrieved 19 March 2020.

99 ‘Magufuli Criticised as Tanzania Bans Rallies’, The East African, 11 June 2016, available at https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/magufuli-criticised-as-tanzania-bans-rallies–1351138, retrieved 22 February 2022.

100 Cross, ‘Cybercrime and Policing’.

101 C. Cross, ‘Dissent as Cybercrime: Social Media, Security and Development in Tanzania’, Journal of Eastern African Studies, 15, 3 (2021), pp. 455–6, available at https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2021.1952797, 7 August 2021.

102 D. Sakpa, ‘Tanzania Restricts Social Media During Election’, DW (Deutsche Welle), 29 October 2020, available at https://www.dw.com/en/tanzania-restricts-social-media-during-election/a-55433057, retrieved 3 November 2020.

103 X. Aldekoa, ‘Tanzania, el país del virus del no’, La Vanguardia, 21 March 2021, available at https://www.lavanguardia.com/internacional/20210321/6603110/tanzania-coronavirus-covid-negacionismo-libre-virus.html, retrieved 6 April 2021; Sippy, ‘Covid-Skeptical’.

104 The Tanzanian government has a track record of manipulating statistics. See R.D. Carlitz and R. McLellan, ‘Open Data from Authoritarian Regimes: New Opportunities, New Challenges’, Perspectives on Politics, 19, 1 (2020), pp. 160–70.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Robert Macdonald

Robert Macdonald Research Fellow in African Studies, Centre of African Studies, The University of Edinburgh, Chrystal Macmillan Building, 15a George Square, Edinburgh, EH8 9LD, UK. Email: [email protected] http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0404-0256

Thomas Molony

Thomas Molony Senior Lecturer in African Studies, Centre of African Studies, The University of Edinburgh, 18 Buccleuch Place, Edinburgh, EH8 9LN, UK. Email: [email protected] http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7336-5527

Victoria Lihiru

Victoria Lihiru Lecturer, Department of Public Law, The Open University of Tanzania, Second Floor, Block C, Kawawa Road, Kinondoni, Dar es Salaam, 23409, Tanzania. Email: [email protected] http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2666-5804