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ABSTRACT
In this article, we argue that servants working for Count Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie (1622–1686) were part of an intricate system of economic and social dependencies. Focusing on the indebtedness of the aristocracy to its workers, we examine how deferred payment of wages opened up for negotiations between servant and master, and suggest that servants became de facto creditors to their master. In a moral economy built on trust, credit and the idea of aristocratic paternalism, servants negotiated arrangements for the future, keeping close track of what was owed them or their spouses in deferred payments. From an investigation of over six hundred petitions, written from people in the lower strata of servants, including, among others, milkmaids, gardeners, stable boys, bird-catchers, lackeys, jesters, and wet nurses, and from which we have chosen to exclude high ranking employees such as bailiffs or chaplains, we showcase the strategies available to people on the margins of society. The arrangements suggested by petitioners show a surprising amount of detailed consideration, at the same time appealing to Christian compassion, paternalistic concerns and a sense of reciprocity between master and servant, thereby both confirming and using hierarchies and asymmetrical power relations to secure advantages.
KEYWORDS:
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Asger Wienberg for his contributions to this project in transcribing supplications, and Elise M. Dermineur for her valuable comments and perspectives. We are also grateful for the discussions with colleagues in both Lund, Uppsala, and Stockholm, and for the helpful comments of our two anonymous reviewers.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Supplementary material
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2022.2074096
Notes
1. In Swedish, ‘hemman’. A cadastral unit in the 17th century represented the amount of land sufficient for supporting a household. A cadastral unit could thus differ in size depending on fertility or climate conditions. It roughly corresponds to a ‘hide’ in Britain.
2. Riksarkivet, Stockholm (hereafter RA), E1622, Karin Swenssdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
3. RA, E1622, Karin Swenssdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. Hansson, Svensk brevskrivning, 36; see also Jonae Gothus, Thesaurus Epistolicus, 2–3, 9, 12–13.
4. Others include Johan Gabriel and Gustav Otto Stenbock, Per and Nils Brahe, Carl Gustaf Wrangel, Herman Fleming, Nils Bielke, and Bengt (Gabrielsson) Oxenstierna.
5. Uppenberg, I husbondens bröd och arbete, 89–91; and Harnesk, Legofolk, 32–40.
6. Ulväng, “Äga en herrgård,” 287–316.
7. Fåhraeus, Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, 233–35, 238–49. It is difficult to tell the exact number of employees at the De la Gardie estates at a given time since records vary in detail at different estates and for different years. Records from 1679 show that 252 individuals were employed at his Stockholm household and two of his main estates (Kägleholm and Venngarn). An estimate of the number of employees at the rest of his Swedish estates such as Karlberg, Läckö, and Ekholmen based on figures from the 1670s suggests that the total number of employees in Sweden was at least 500. However, these figures do not include employees at the Baltic estates. Records also often misrepresent the number of female employees. We are currently studying the organization of these households, including their size. The results will be published in the years to come.
8. Kühn, “Masters as Debtors.”
9. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 2.
10. Ibid., 1–7. Quote on 6.
11. Ibid., 6.
12. Muldrew, “Debt, Credit, and Poverty,” 14–15; see also Gerber, “Role of Rural Indebtedness,” 41:5, 729–47; Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 4; Ogilvie et al., “Household Debt,” 134–67; Spang, Stuff and Money, 45; Dermineur, “Peer-to-Peer Lending,” 359–88; Dermineur, “Trust, Norms, Credit Market,” 485, 488; Hoffman et al., Priceless Markets; Hoffman et al., Dark Matter Credit; Perlinge, “Private wealth accumulation,” 35–54. John Habakukk provides examples of British landowners who were heavily indebted to, among others, servants, Habakukk, Marriage, Debt, Estates System, 53, 73, 79. Tim Meldrum has demonstrated how male servants in early modern London made more profit from gifts, clothing, and tips than from their monetary wages, whereas female servants were less fortunate in getting this kind of extras. Meldrum, Domestic Service and Gender, 205.
13. On the indebtedness of German aristocracy, see Ogilvie et al., “Household Debt,” 150–51. For the Swedish case, see Fåhreaus, Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, 255, 299.
14. Kühn, “Masters as Debtors”. We only found out about this very recent chapter by Sebastian Kühn while working with the revisions for this article. The (inverted) similarities in our titles are thus coincidental.
15. Muldrew, “Debt, Credit and Poverty,” 12; and Gerber, “Role of rural indebtedness,” 730.
16. Muldrew, “Debt, Credit and Poverty,” 13; and Spang, Stuff and Money, 13.
17. Muldrew, “Debt, Credit and Poverty,” 14. For a similar perspective and comparison with Scotland, see Spence, Women, Credit and Debt, 5.
18. Lindström and Mispelaere, “Vad fick 1600-talets arbetare i lön?,” 435–37, 442–47, 458–60.
19. Lindström and Mispelaere, “Interdependent living,” 136–55.
20. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 26.
21. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 26–27; and Blom, Tiggare, tidstjuvar, lättingar och landstrykare, 257–58.
22. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 40. See also Dermineur, “Trust, Norms, Credit Market,” 485, 488.
23. See discussion on research in Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 17–18.
24. Fontaine and Schlumbohm, “Household Strategies for Survival,” 1–18; Sokoll, “Negotiating a Living,” 19; Carbonell-Esteller, “Using Microcredit and Restructuring Households,” 91–92; and Boulton, “Extreme Necessity,” 56–57.
25. Maza, Servants and Masters, 12–14.
26. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 34–35.
27. Systematic efforts are lacking, but smaller studies where supplications were used together with other sources do exist. See, for instance, Sundberg, “Work and Social Relationships”; Norrhem, Uppkomlingarna, and Kvinnor vid maktens sida.
28. Jones and King, “Voices from the Far North,” 79–80; Sokoll, “Negotiating a Living”; and Gestrich and King, “Pauper Letters and Petitions,” 12–25. See also the research blog, “The Power of Petitioning in Seventeenth-Century England,” https://petitioning.history.ac.uk.
29. Almbjär, Voice of the People, 237.
30. Sundberg, “Work and Social Relationships,” 83–85; and Norrhem, Kvinnor vid maktens sida, 62–68.
31. Sundberg, “Work and Social Relationships,” 89.
32. For other archives, see, for example, RA, Oxenstiernska samlingen: E 637, E 905, E 930, E 938; Carl Carlsson Gyllenhielms samling: E 3707; and Stegeborgssamlingen: Suppliker samt skrivelser från underhavande och tjänare.
33. Richardson, Household Servants, 225. For a further discussion on the definition of servants, see Fairchilds, Domestic Enemies, 3; Rosemary Horrox says the same of late medieval England: the tasks did not define a servant but the relationship with a master: Horrox, ‘Service’, in Fifteenth-Century Attitudes, 63.
34. The supplications are kept in the De la Gardie archive in the National Archives in Stockholm and the account books in the Lund University archives.
35. Hansson, Svensk brevskrivning; see also Jonae Gothus, Thesaurus epistolicus, 2–3, 9, 12–13.
36. RA, E1641, Nils Månsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplications from Jon Swensson, RA, E1641 and Bertil Bengtsson, RA, E1642.
37. Before 1660 he was referred to as ‘riksskattmästare’ and after 1680 ‘riksdrots’. In the period in-between, he was titled ‘rikskansler’.
38. The Aristocratic Household Database (AHD) gathers data on servants in large aristocratic households of early modern Sweden. We record biographical data, as well as data on the circumstances of the work performed, materials used, and the workplace. We have also charted the arguments of the supplicants and categorized different types of supplications, linking them to digitized and transcribed source materials. The AHD is currently not open to the public, but we aim to publish it once the current project has been finalized.
39. For comparison, see discussion in Lindström and Mispeleare, “Interdependent Living,” 140–41.
40. Calculations are based on records of employees found in RA, E1660–1661.
41. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 37.
42. RA, E1642, supplications from Erik Bengtsson and Per Mickelsson; RA, E1622, supplication from Karin Andersdotter.
43. RA, E1641, Reinholt Ersson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
44. RA, E1641, Johan Andersson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
45. RA, E1622, Karin Jönsdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1641, Nils Månsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1641, Petter Bark to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1641, Johan Giöss to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
46. RA, E1642, Carpenters to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
47. RA, E1641, 21 servants to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie (11 February 1679). See also supplications from a group of lackeys, RA, E1641, a group of stable grooms and four groups of carpenters, RA, E1642.
48. RA, E1641, Jonas Mörk to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
49. RA, E1642, Oluff to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
50. RA, E1622, Karin Andersdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
51. Another example of this is Simon Andersson who had received neither salary nor “kommiss,” a permission to collect either clothing or goods, during his last two years in service. His family, he recounts, now had to walk around virtually naked and shame themselves, RA, E1641, Simon Andersson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
52. In Swedish, ‘drängar’.
53. RA, E1641, Ahlbreht Falknär to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. Similar example: RA, E1642, Bengt Olofsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
54. RA, E1622, Carin Perssdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1621, Elisabeth Hoohman to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
55. RA, E1622, Christina Ca(..)lsdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
56. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 71–91. For De la Gardie, see Fåhraeus, Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, 222–23, 227–28, 245, 283.
57. In Swedish, ‘båtsman’.
58. In Swedish, ‘befallningsman’.
59. RA, E1622, Chierstin Persdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie (and accompanying letters).
60. RA, 1641, Albreht Falknärs requests for his drängar point in this direction, as does the hökare Bengt Olofsson, the gardeners Oluff Swänsson and Antonie Hampe, RA, E1642, and the fatburspiga Christin Bengtzsson, RA, E1622.
61. RA, E1642, Soldiers to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. In Swedish: ‘den som fordrar oss till arbette, måtte ock fordra wår Löön för oss’; “När dee intedt arbeta så få dee intet.”
62. RA, E1642, Johan Nilsson, Olof Månsson, Olof Carlsson (coachmen), Lars Erichsson, Lars and Pelle (stable boys) to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
63. Harnesk, Legofolk, 32–34.
64. RA, E1641, Gustaf Larsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
65. RA, E1641, Simon Andersson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
66. RA, E1622, Marina Tommasdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
67. RA, E1641, Andreas Ericksson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
68. RA, E1641, Oluff Ericksson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1641, Nils Andersson Dallman to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; RA, E1622, Carin Andhersdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplications from Erik Larsson, Peder Bengtsson, RA, E1642, and Margetta Simonsdotter, Maria Persdotter, RA, E1622.
69. RA, E1641, Oloff Månsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
70. RA, E1622, Christin Matzdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie; Lund University Library (hereafter: LUB), De la Gardieska arkivet, vol. 97:1.
71. Johansson, “Herrar och bönder,” 162–63. See also, RA, Riddarhusets originalurkunder, Drottning Kristinas förklaring och förbättring på grevarnas privilegier, Stockholm 26 January 1651, https://sok.riksarkivet.se/bildvisning/R0001952_00002.
72. RA, E1641, Bengt Oloffsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
73. RA, E1641, Bengt Assarsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie: ‘som jag uppå eders excellens gods är födder lender för den skull till eders grevl excellens min underdåniga begäran der Eders grevl excellens min underdåniga tjänst behöva kan, skall jag finnas alltid underdånig, till vad mig anbetrott warda antingen till lakej eller till vad eders excellens nådigst behagar.’
74. RA, E1642, Lars Ryttare to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
75. RA, E1642, Johan Bahrlin to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
76. RA, E1642, Pär Olofsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
77. RA, E1642, Swen Nilsson Rölin to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
78. In Swedish, ‘livknekt’.
79. RA, E1642, Jonas Esbiörnsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
80. See supplications from Johan Andersson, Petter Stoor, RA, E1641; Giöran Matsson and Lars, RA, E1642.
81. In Swedish, ‘skattegård’.
82. RA, E1622, Rangela Larsdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
83. RA, E1642, Axel Andersson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
84. Sandén, “I livets skuggdalar,” 50; and Holmlund and Sandén, “Epilog,” 366–67.
85. Peter Ullgren has shown that De la Gardie offered cadastral units to ensure that people in need were provided for, see Ullgren, En makalös historia, 278.
86. LUB, De la Gardieska arkivet, vol. 112.
87. Fåhraeus, Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, 236. These estates were Höjentorp with Varnhem monastery, Mariedal (Ova sn), Traneberg (Kållandsö), Katrineberg (Fredsbergs sn), Synnerby hospital (Synnerby sn), Slädene farm (Slädene sn), Magnusberg (Särestads sn), Råda ladugård (Råda sn), and Jönslunda.
88. LUB, De la Gardieska arkivet, vol. 112.
89. LUB, De la Gardieska arkivet, vol. 112. The accounts for the years 1665–1667 are not as detailed but a comparison of how much revenue De la Gardie gave up by using cadastral unit as replacement for money suggests that the number of cadastral units did not vary during these specific years.
90. In Swedish, ‘huggekarl’.
91. RA, E1641, Lars Erson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
92. RA, E1642, Erich Erichsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
93. RA, E1622, Kirstin Andersdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
94. Ibid.
95. RA, E1641, Lars Andersson Barck to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
96. RA, E1642, Bengt Larsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
97. RA, E1622, Malin Madsdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplications from a group of carpenters, RA, E1642.
98. RA, E1641, Christian (Taffeltäckare) to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
99. In Swedish, ‘skattdragare’.
100. In Swedish, ‘länsman’.
101. RA, E1622, Margaretha Larsdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplications from Anna Andersdotter, Barbro Mårtensdotter, Getska Clasdotter, and Marina Schmeltzers, RA, E1621.
102. RA, E1641, Christian (Silverkammarpojke) to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
103. RA, E1641, Bengt (Silverkammarpojke) to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplications from Anders Larsson and Joen Person, RA, E1641.
104. RA, E1642, Esbjörn Johansson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
105. RA, E1622, Maria Josephzdåtter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
106. RA, E1622, Catharina Linnarssdotter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
107. In Swedish, ‘postmästarämbetet’.
108. RA, E1622, Cherstin Gudmussdoter to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
109. RA, E1641, Casper Johansson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
110. In Swedish, ‘hovryttare’.
111. RA, E1641, Anders Biörsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
112. In Swedish, ‘inhysingar’.
113. RA, E1642, Christiern Falkendaal to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
114. RA, E1642, Anders Olofsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
115. Hajnal, “European marriage pattern”; Whittle, “Introduction,” 1, 7; and Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, 31.
116. For Britain and the Netherlands, see Whittle, “Introduction,” 6; for France, see Hayhoe, “Rural Servants in Eastern France,” 156–57; for Germany, see Fertig, “Rural Servants in Eighteenth-Century Münsterland,” 141–47; for Norway, see Sogner, “The legal status of servants,” 180–81; for Sweden, see Harnesk, Legofolk: drängar, pigor och bönder, 161–68; Prytz, “Life-Cycle Servant and Servant for Life,” 103.
117. In Swedish, “rätta och orätta fattiga.”
118. Unger, Makten och fattigdomen, 19.
119. Blom, Tiggare, tidstjuvar, 143, 198–204.
120. See note 25 above.
121. Hansson, Svensk brevskrivning, 36.
122. Blom, Tiggare, tidstjuvar, 192–94.
123. Ibid., 237–38.
124. Pihl, “Gender, labour, and state formation,” 685–710.
125. Spence, Women, Credit and Debt, 180–81.
126. RA, E1641, Joen Person to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie. See also supplication from Erich Erichsson, RA, E1641.
127. See note 69 above.
128. RA, E1642, Matz Mattsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
129. RA, E1641, Nils Månsson to Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie.
130. Fontaine, The Moral Economy, 16.
131. For example, LUB, De la Gardieska arkivet, vol. 113, 116, 117. However, the research of Sebastian Kühn shows that there are reasons to further study the practice of giving gifts to see whether they, in fact, constituted transformed payments of debts.
132. Ullgren, En makalös historia, 278–80.