‘Not just numbers!’ Homeless people as potential economic contributors in Tshwane

ABSTRACT

Statistics on homelessness in the City of Tshwane fail to give us ideas about the capacities homeless people have that could be used as a stepping stone for their own economic empowerment and development. Stories of homeless people considered in this research affirm that there are real people behind those ‘cold’ numbers. This research further unearths by means of a basic capacity inventory the potential for economic contribution that a homeless community could make in Tshwane. I found that, given the resources and support needed, the homeless community that participated in this research has the capacity to contribute, through self-employment, cooperatives, internship programmes, formal employment and so forth, to many industries in the City of Tshwane, some of which are mentioned in the article.

KEYWORDS:

• Homeless people
• City of Tshwane
• capacity inventory
• potential economic contribution
• stories of homeless people

1. Introduction and background

The City of Tshwane (2013:1) affirms: ‘The sight of people sleeping under bridges, in front of buildings and in the streets has sadly become a reality for the City of Tshwane’. Statistics South Africa (2011) states there are 6244 street homeless people in the City of Tshwane (distributed as follows: 54% male, 46% female; 55% black, 39% white, 3.1% coloured, 2.1% Indian, 0.6% other). In terms of age groups, the largest concentrations of homeless people are between 20 and 29 (33.4%) and rather disturbingly over 65 years of age (21.4%) (see also De Beer, 2015). If people who are at substantial risk of losing their housing (i.e. backyarders and shack dwellers in natural disaster-prone areas) are also included in these numbers, then the picture is worse than currently documented. Thus, I submit that this phenomenon still needs to be thoroughly researched so that liberating and transformative strategies could be identified and applied in addressing the plight of the homeless people (see Mangayi, 2015).

This is why, since 2011, the Meal of Peace¹ project team from the College of Human Sciences at University of South Africa in partnership with Tshwane Homeless Forum² have facilitated a number of ‘insertion’ encounters into a local community of homeless people in the inner city of Tshwane. The purpose of these encounters is to understand what this community of homeless people goes through daily, and also to learn and appreciate where this community finds strength to survive and cope in the midst of their plight. Through these encounters, it became apparent that there is a need to discover the capacity this community has which could become a stepping stone for their development. The assumption the Meal of Peace project works with is that homeless people have gifts and assets that are useful for their ‘release’ from homelessness and that of their community (see Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993:14; see also Ntakirutimana, 2015:64). This assumption has also led the researchers involved in the Meal of Peace project to think beyond dependency and charity and to see homeless people as strategic partners who are able to identify the issues that still bind them and, on the contrary, dream of alternative solutions. The starting point in this process was to assess the capacity that individual homeless people have. Thus, this research’s central question is: what capacity do homeless people have which could contribute towards their economic well-being and that of Tshwane at large? This study will consider the homeless status of a group of people located in a particular part of Tshwane as constituting a community.

In order to find answers to this question, the article starts, firstly, by discussing homelessness in the City of Tshwane in relation to factors contributing to this phenomenon, the experiences of homeless people and means of survival employed by them. Secondly, the article highlights the dignity and the assets of the homeless people. Thirdly, the article retrieves information concerning the capacity of this homeless group by using a capacity inventory as a research methodology. Fourthly, the article shares personal stories of some homeless people who participated in this research. Fifthly, the article presents the findings; that is, the capacities that homeless people have which could contribute to the economy. Lastly, based on these capacities in the homeless community, the article presents an imaginative sketch for possible interventions.

2. Homelessness in the City of Tshwane

2.1. Factors contributing to homelessness in the City of Tshwane

The City of Tshwane (2013:1) named the following as factors contributing to homelessness: migration of job seekers who have no means to find accommodation and end up on the streets, poorly paid employees³ who cannot afford to commute and who end up sleeping on the streets, family problems, no family, substance abuse-related factors, peer pressure, retrenchments, unemployment and migration. On the other hand, stories from homeless people highlight the following as factors contributing to homelessness in Tshwane: unemployment, poverty, death of breadwinners and broken family relationships. The factors highlighted by the City of Tshwane and through stories of homeless people confirm the findings of Ntakirutimana (2015:81–110) which have been summarised in different categories such as economic, political, health, social and cultural factors as well as the phenomenon of inner-city bad buildings.

When research findings are broadly compared, they reveal that the city and the homeless people consider economic (i.e. unemployment and poverty) and social (i.e. family problems) factors as the main contributing factors to homelessness in the City of Tshwane. While it is true that these factors or a combination of factors could be contributing to homelessness in Tshwane, I consider them as signs or manifestations of big issues inherent in the socio-economic, historical and political structural fabric of South Africa. Castells (cited by Swart, 2008:115) speaks of ‘structural irrelevance’ of the majority of South African citizens, especially the poor such as the homeless. One of the disturbing features of the economy in contemporary South Africa is the fact that the supply of labour has increasingly exceeded the demand for labour. In this situation, structures of government, labour and business appear to be irrelevant to address the problem of unemployment. In fact, these structures have all defended their inability to create jobs Marais (2010: 208). The inability to create jobs results in persistent and increasing levels of inequality and unemployment in South Africa. This therefore leads to what Kotzé (2004:5) referred to as a ‘growing socioeconomic crisis’. The homeless people as a category are among the victims of this crisis, which leads the majority to poverty. It is therefore imperative that economic solutions must also be considered in the search for pathways out of homelessness. The homeless people’s assets and capacities are essential stepping stones in finding solutions to eradicate homelessness, which is associated with so many socio-economic, historical and political issues (see Ntakirutimana, 2015:81–110) in the City of Tshwane.

Du Preez (2014:1), for instance, associates this homeless phenomenon to ‘the pace of people moving to urban areas and the alarming inability of local and provincial government to cope with the influx’. Hence, I submit that this situation could be associated with an underlying cause in the political economic realm (i.e. neoliberal capitalist system) at play, which is creating instability that drives many to become poor and dwellers of the streets. It is not entirely by choice that they find themselves in that plight. Once again, they are victims of the growing socio-economic crisis referred to by Kotzé. Therefore, I argue that considerations for solutions to this phenomenon should be based, among other things, on what (i.e. assets, resources and capacities) homeless people already possess, including the wisdom they have acquired through their experiences.

2.2. The experiences of homeless people in the City of Tshwane

The eight stories of homeless people (see Section 5) gathered in this research also revealed that the daily plight of the homeless people is marked by hunger, joblessness and being at risk and vulnerable, victims of crime, destitute, unprotected, depressed, lonely and suicidal, emotionally damaged, separated from family and friends, abused and exploited, feeling ‘less human’, isolated and excluded, broken, lacking privacy, interrupting education and losing dignity. From these stories I deduce that that the homeless’ plight is multi-faceted and multi-dimensional (see also Ntakirutimana, 2015). It will certainly require a multi-faceted, multi-dimensional and integrated strategy to facilitate pathways out of homelessness in Tshwane. The intertwined nature of issues related to the plight of homeless people necessitates a multi-sectoral intervention as currently being considered by the partnership consisting of University of Pretoria, University of South Africa, the City of Tshwane and Tshwane Homeless Forum. Also, to recognise that faith networks which are already enmeshed in communities have provided in ‘some cases the most reliable form of security, justice and support for the poor’ (Kaplan, 2010:11) in this partnership.

Of importance about the existing partnership is the fact that the voice of the homeless is being allowed to take centre stage in this critical engagement (see De Beer, 2015). The underlying assumption has been that these homeless people represent resources upon which to rebuild or find pathways out of homelessness. Kretzmann & McKnight (1993:5–6) elucidate by suggesting that the process towards finding pathways out of homelessness should therefore ‘start in locating the resources and assets (skills and capacities)’ available in the homeless community itself, as this research has done, and then ‘begin to connect them with one another in ways that multiply their power and effectiveness’. Further, I submit that this process, although it acknowledges current means of survival, must aim beyond survival as it works towards rebuilding personal lives and community. It is therefore crucial to discover individual capacities of the homeless people in the process of rebuilding their lives beyond the current means of survival. Furthermore, the process should provide inspiration to strengthen or even go beyond the current economic responses to include, for example, social enterprise, job creation and placement, new business venture creation, recycling, educational programme for vulnerable children, income generation and the like as being currently facilitated by non-governmental organisations like People Upliftment Programme (POPUP), Pretoria Evangelism and Nurture, and Tshwane Leadership Foundation (see Ntakirutimana, 2015:115–35) in the Inner City of Tshwane.

2.3. Means of survival for homeless people in the City of Tshwane

The homeless people highlighted the following means for survival in their narratives: relief service by local non-governmental organisations, such as Akanani, Potter’s House and POPUP, and government shelter (especially the one located at Number 2 Struben Street); access to compassionate workers, referrals, self-determination to improve oneself, faith, hope and prayer; casual employment; skills development; and positive self-image and persistence.

It is important to note that the service of non-governmental organisations with compassionate workers as a means of survival concurs with what other researchers have found elsewhere, such as in the north of Ontario/Canada among French-speaking people in Timmins and North Bay (Kauppi et al., 2012:94). These organisations and their compassionate workers also serve as points of contact with the homeless people to care, support and documentation. This is the reason why the Meal of Peace project, for instance, works through Tshwane Homeless Forum to facilitate contact and engagement (see also Kauppi et al., 2012:94). With reference to Tshwane, it is also important to highlight the role played by organisations such as Akanani, the Potter’s House and others in facilitating casual employment and skills development as a means of survival.

Other means of survival emanating from individual inner being (i.e. psychosocial and spiritual capacity), such as determination to improve oneself, faith, hope, prayer, positive self-image and persistence, are also important. These, I argue, are at the core of whatever means of survival one comes up with or opts for because this psychosocial–spiritual capacity sustains the will to survive and conquer current obstacles. Faith-based organisations in particular could facilitate a further mobilisation of these assets and capacities for social justice and reconciliation (see Mangayi, 2014a:135–8). However, it is beyond the scope of this article to delve into the potential these psychosocial and spiritual assets might have for economic development of the homeless people and that of Tshwane. This article confines itself to identifying the capacity of the homeless people, which could be useful for economic development.

In summary, it is evident from the foregoing that homeless people have a ‘raw deal’ in the streets of Tshwane. The factors that drive them to the streets are big issues that most of us have no control over. Their plight is a web of entrapment which leads to dehumanising conditions and further exacerbates multidimensional marginalisation that they are subjected to on a daily basis. Yet, in their stories, one can realise that the homeless community is resilient, determined to survive and improve their lives. This resiliency and determination to survive and self-improvement spirit are often overlooked by policy-makers, scholars and professionals.

Further, their skills and abilities to work are also overlooked in the usual top-down, need-driven development approach commonly used in South Africa. Hence, in an attempt to avoid the trap of this top-down approach, the Meal of Peace project (2013) team rightly opted for a bottom-up, assets-based approach. This meant that in addition to listening to the stories of homeless people, it became important to do an appraisal of capacity and work experience that this community has, which should inform our ongoing engagement with them in relation to their active participation in the economy. This also meant that, although we have to work concurrently towards relief, development, transformation and liberation, our perception of them is that of people with resources, skills and potential needed in order to start ‘wrestling’ with possibilities for their ‘release’, restoration of dignity and economic freedom.

3. Dignity and assets of homeless people in the City of Tshwane

Focused research on homelessness in South Africa is relatively new. With particular reference to Tshwane, it is encouraging to see that researchers from University of Pretoria and University of South Africa in partnership with the City of Tshwane and Tshwane Homeless Forum have been studying this phenomenon together for the purposes of informing policy and praxis – so that collective humanity, human dignity and collective well-being could be enhanced in Tshwane.

On the quest for humanity on the streets of Tshwane, De Beer (2010:1) states that ‘the dignity of our streets and its people is either slipping away quietly or is stolen brutally’. In relation to insights from Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness, De Beer (2010:6–14) argues for:

nurturing alternative consciousness by 1) resisting the death of dignity 2) breaking the silence, unmasking the violence 3) defining ourselves as a step towards personal freedom 4) discovering own agency and assets 5) (working) towards self-reliance 6) resisting individualism (for the sake of) communal solidarity and economics 7) (develop) theology and church from below and 8) employing cultural resources

This is so that our ‘new story together sparks of true humanity … if we fail to do so, we might increasingly lose our streets and our humanity’ (De Beer, 2010:15). De Beer is right that one of the things needed is discovering one’s own agency and assets as communities. This resonates with this research’s resolve to discover the capacities that some homeless people have because these could be stepping stones for self-reliant development.

Further on human dignity in relation to homelessness, Ngcobo (2014:86) argues for an understanding of ‘human dignity from below’, from those on the margins of society that we tend to see as less human due to their plight. Ngcobo (2014:94) sees ‘human dignity as Ubuntu’, which appreciates all people (regardless of their material possessions) as ‘key members of the whole’. This assertion calls us to foster mutual respect with everybody who resides in our city, including the homeless people. Thus, I submit that if the homeless people are respectfully recognised, ‘ineffective metropolitan government interventions influenced by perceptions that homelessness is an issue of either social dependency or lack of affordable housing or moral failure’ (Hoch cited by Du Toit, 2010:111), will cease to exist. Instead, the spirit of Ubuntu should enable us to understand homelessness and associated issues such as poverty from the perspective of the people who are going through this plight (see Narayan et al., 2000).

Furthermore, Mangayi (2014b:231) highlights practical solutions emanating from the streets that could address poverty and marginalisation associated with homelessness in the City of Tshwane. He writes: ‘Welfare is not enough. The rich and poor must work together in a manner to complement each other [ … ]’. It has to do with ‘partnership and collaboration to end poverty and marginalisation, empowerment for social change and justice, and fostering mutual respect’. Thus, being able to recognise that homeless people have certain capacities is an ideal place to start in this partnership. Mashau (2014:209), on the contrary, speaks about unjust power dynamics which lead to landlessness in the city. He contends that in order ‘to redress the injustices of the colonial and apartheid past, the homeless in the streets of Tshwane requires social, economic and political powers. Those with political powers like government should therefore work with the homeless’. Other researchers also highlighted other issues such as homeless women displaced or trafficked into forced labour (Mangoedi & Mogashoa, 2014:88–96); and homeless people suffer from economic injustice (Methula, 2014) and are vulnerable towards forming bad habits (Baron, 2014). Other factors related to homelessness in Tshwane include justice and healing (Nel & Mangayi, 2014) and rape and sexual violation experiences (Mangayia, 2014a).

I concur that the aforementioned research studies have made a meaningful contribution about the actions that redress the issues associated with homelessness in the City of Tshwane. However, there is a need to build upon these studies to include discovering the capacities that homeless people have which could trigger their self-development. This research is therefore an attempt to fill this gap as far as doing a capacity inventory of 100 homeless people with which the Meal of Peace project works. Before the data for this capacity inventory are presented, however, the research methodology used in this research and the stories of some homeless people will be highlighted.

4. Retrieving the narratives and capacity of homeless people: Research methodology

This research used personal narratives and a capacity inventory of 100 homeless people (i.e. 50 men and 50 women). The Meal of Peace project started to document some personal narratives of homeless people, highlighting the challenges experienced and still being experienced by them. These narratives provided us with bridges that enable us to grasp reality as experienced by homeless people in the streets of Tshwane, because we are convinced that ‘telling one’s life story is closely intertwined with autobiographical remembering, the retrospective reconstruction of one’s life history’ (Brockmeier, 2000:52). Thus, the homeless people’s narratives give us a glimpse of their ‘lived life’. We have collected eight short stories so far; one such story (Bongani’s) is presented in the following section, including snippets of the other seven stories in the footnote.

From March to May 2013, with the assistance of Tshwane Homeless Forum, the Meal of Peace project conducted a capacity inventory with 100 homeless people. A capacity inventory is a research tool which was developed by Kretzmann and McKnight of the Centre for Urban Affairs and Policy Research, Northwestern University, Illinois, USA. The tool is designed to collect information about the ‘capacities of community members’ (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993:15) which could be used in the process of an endogenous community development. A capacity inventory was an appropriate tool and befits the purpose and investigation of the central question of this research because it does not focus on needs. Kretzmann & McKnight (1993:15) elaborate: ‘it [capacity inventory] is merely an example of one approach to identifying what local citizens can contribute to community-building’. In essence, this approach implies a participatory practice whereby input from the poor people towards their own development projects is substantially taken into account (see De Kock, 2011:6).

Two research assistants were employed to assist with field work. They were briefed about data collection in terms of how forms were supposed to be filled out and ethical considerations. Participants answered the questions on their own. The data collected will be tabled and discussed later in this article.

5. Story of Bongani

As stated in the foregoing, stories were collected from eight homeless people but only one story (Bongani’s) is told in detail in this article. Snippets of the other stories are given in the footnote. A complete set of these stories is being compiled to be published by the Meal of Peace project as a pocket storybook.

Bongani narrates:

I was told by a friend that there is a job in Pretoria and that was in 2009. When I got to Pretoria the friend who promised me a job was nowhere to be found and I didn’t have money to go back home (North West) then I found myself living in the streets. A few months later there was a group of people who came to give us soup and bread in the evening and that is when I was told about the Akanani Street Centre and the services that they provide. I started going to the centre frequently then I discovered that there were lots of other people who received services at the centre including food, clothing and shower.

I felt very much comfortable talking to the staff and as time went past, I told them that I needed a place to stay and they managed to get me to stay at Number 2 Struben Street Shelter and I got to learn more about the organisation and many other projects within the organisation. One of them was school of creative arts and I had an interest in music, then Akanani helped me to register at school of creative arts and I started learning how to play musical instruments. Later I was assisted to study music with UNISA and I am now a music facilitator in Attridgeville and also part of a very successful band and through our gigs I am able to sustain myself and make a decent living from it.

Had it not been for Akanani I really don’t know where I would have been.

Bongani’s story is like an open window into the experiences of life in the streets. Our collective task is therefore to endeavour to understand and interpret the numerous stories of the homeless people in order to ‘build knowledge around them’ (Cohen & Manion, 1990:39), as Ntakirutimana (2015:81–110) has done with his research. Hence, I argue that we cannot meaningfully envision facilitating pathways out of homelessness if we have not taken into account the personal stories of the homeless people themselves. Bongani’s story and snippets in the footnote give us clues from an insider perspective as to what are the things and processes which provided a pathway out of homelessness for him. Other homeless people’s stories may highlight different things. Yet two things stand out in these eight stories⁴ so far collected: the resilience and determination of the homeless people to survive and succeed. Their resiliency is seen in their capacity to recover quickly from difficulties, their determination in their firmness of purpose. It is therefore important to understand this phenomenon in context as some research projects have started doing.

6. Homeless people as potential economic contributors

The stories we gathered showed that homeless people have dreams such as owning homes and finding sustainable employment. All of these dreams remain vivid in their mind due to their enterprising spirit, never-give-up attitude sustained by prayer, determination, and faith to change their plight and readiness to maximise their God-given abilities and potential if work opportunities are made available to them. They also have marketable skills and work experience which could be creatively used as a stepping stone towards their economic freedom. Skills and work experience information gathered through a capacity inventory of 100 homeless people is organised into 14 categories (health, office, construction and repair, maintenance, food, child care, transportation, operating equipment and repairing machinery, supervision, sales, music, security, community skills and others). Notably, it was difficult for all of them to produce testimonials proving that they have the skills and work experience that they claim to have while living on the streets. The formal educational background of participants was also down-played in order to encourage everybody to participate. Nevertheless, the data give us an indication of the capacity, albeit untested, that this group of homeless people has. In terms of discussions of data, I will comment briefly on one or two capacities that achieved the highest score in each category. I will not, unfortunately, expand the comments on gender lines because that will form the basis for other research. The total number of homeless people was 100. The following capacities were identified.

6.1. Health care

The inventory revealed that in terms of health care, the highest capacity that this group of homeless people have is caring for the sick (31 people out of 100; 31%) followed by preparing special diets (28 people out of 100; 28%) (see Table 1).

Table 1. Capacity in health care.

Health care	Male	Female	Total
Caring for the elderly	4	19	23
Caring for the mentally ill	1	7	8
Caring for the sick	6	25	31
Caring for the physically disabled or developmentally disabled	1	12	13
Bathing	1	18	19
Feeding	1	19	20
Preparing special diets	7	21	28
Help with exercising and escorting	0	15	15
Grooming	0	17	17
Dressing	2	22	24
Make the person feel at ease	3	23	26

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.2. Office work

In relation to capacity in office work, the inventory revealed that the highest capacities the group have are taking telephone messages and receiving telephone orders (29 people out of 100; 29%) (see Table 2).

Table 2. Capacity in office work.

Capacity in office work	Male	Female	Total
Typing	6	14	20
Operating an adding machine/calculator	4	11	15
Filing alphabetically/numerically	0	13	13
Taking telephone messages	8	21	29
Writing business letters (not typing)	7	11	18
Receiving telephone orders	10	19	29
Operating switchboard	4	8	12
Keep track of supplies	4	13	17
Shorthand or speedwriting	0	8	8
Bookkeeping	2	11	13
Entering information into a computer	4	10	14
Word processing	3	12	15

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.3. Construction and repair

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group have in construction and repair is painting (32 people out of 100; 32%) (see Table 3).

Table 3. Capacity in construction and repair.

Capacity in construction and repair	Male	Female	Total
Painting	27	5	32
Porch construction and repair	9	1	10
Tearing down buildings	14	2	16
Knocking out walls	16	3	19
Wall papering	13	3	16
Furniture repairs	13	1	14
Repairing locks	13	1	14
Building garages	3	1	4
Bathroom modernisation	3	0	3
Building room additions	3	0	3
Tile work	13	2	15
Installing drywall and taping	7	1	8
Plumbing repairs	12	2	14
Electrical repairs	7	1	8
Bricklaying and masonry	12	2	14
Cabinet making	1	0	1
Kitchen modernisation	1	0	1
Furniture making	3	2	5
Installing insulation	4	0	4
Plastering	13	3	16
Soldering and welding	7	1	8
Concrete work (sidewalks)	9	1	10
Installing floor coverings	6	1	7
Repairing chimneys	2	0	2
Installing windows	9	1	10
Building swimming pools	1	0	1
Carpentry skills	7	0	7
Roofing repair or installation	3	2	5
Heating/cooling system installation	1	0	1
Putting on siding	0	0	0

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.4. Maintenance

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group have in maintenance is window washing (45 people out of 100; 45%) followed by both floor waxing and mopping and washing and cleaning carpets (42 people out of 100; 42%) (see Table 4).

Table 4. Capacity in maintenance.

Capacity in maintenance	Male	Female	Total
Window washing	19	26	45
Floor waxing and mopping	18	24	42
Washing and cleaning carpets/rugs	17	25	42
Routing clogged drains	8	9	17
General household cleaning	15	23	38
Fixing leaky faucets	14	5	19
Mowing lawns	22	5	27
Planting and caring for gardens	21	15	36
Pruning trees and shrubbery	18	6	24
Cleaning/maintaining swimming pools	13	4	17
Flooring sanding or stripping	8	0	8
Wood stripping/refinishing	13	2	15

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.5. Food handling

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group have in food service is washing dishes for people (over 10 individuals) (i.e. 41 people out of 100; 41%) followed by serving food to large numbers (over 10 individuals) (i.e. 39 people out of 100; 39%) and clearing/setting tables for people (over 10 individuals) (i.e. 38 people out of 100; 38%) (see Table 5).

Table 5. Capacity in food.

Capacity in food	Male	Female	Total
Catering	9	24	33
Serving food to large numbers (over 10 individuals)	15	24	39
Preparing meals for large numbers (over 10 individuals)	10	23	33
Clearing/setting tables for people (over 10 individuals)	15	23	38
Washing dishes for people (over 10 individuals)	16	25	41
Operating commercial food	4	15	19
Running preparation equipment	1	3	4
Bartending	9	8	17
Meat cutting	13	13	26
Baking	6	13	19

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.6. Child care

With regard to child care, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group has is caring for children (one to six years old) (i.e. 24 people out of 100; 24%) (see Table 6).

Table 6. Capacity in child care.

Capacity in child care	Male	Female	Total
Caring for babies (under one year old)	0	20	20
Caring for children (one to six years old)	2	22	24
Caring for children (seven to 13 years old)	0	20	20
Taking children on field trips	1	12	13

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.7. Transportation

With regard to transportation, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group has is driving a car (i.e. eight people out of 100; 8%) followed by driving a van (i.e. seven people out of 100; 7%) (see Table 7).

Table 7. Capacity in transportation.

Capacity in transportation	Male	Female	Total
Driving a car	5	3	8
Driving a van	6	1	7
Driving a bus	1	1	2
Driving a taxi	2	1	3
Driving a tractor	0	0	0
Driving a commercial truck	1	0	1
Driving a vehicle/delivering goods	2	0	2
Hauling	3	0	3
Operating farm equipment	0	0	0
Driving an ambulance	0	0	0

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.8. Operating and repairing machinery

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group has in operating equipment and repairing machinery is repairing small appliances such as toasters and kettles (i.e. nine people out of 100; 9%) followed by repairing radios, televisions, VCRs and tape recorders (i.e. eight people out 100; 8%) (see Table 8).

Table 8. Capacity in operating equipment and repairing machinery.

Capacity in operating equipment and repairing machinery	Male	Female	Total
Repairing radios, televisions, VCRs, tape recorders	6	2	8
Repairing other small appliances	6	3	9
Repairing automobiles	0	0	0
Repairing trucks/bodies	0	0	0
Using a forklift	0	0	0
Repairing large household equipment (e.g. refrigerator)	2	1	3
Repairing heating and air conditioning systems	2	0	2
Operating a dump truck	0	0	0
Fixing washers/dryers	1	0	1
Operating a crane	0	0	0

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.9. Supervision

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group has in supervision is filling out forms (i.e. 35 people out of 100; 35%) followed by writing reports (i.e. 31 people out of 100; 31%) (see Table 9).

Table 9. Capacity in supervision.

Capacity in supervision	Male	Female	Total
Writing reports	15	16	31
Filling out forms	14	21	35
Planning work for other people	14	14	28
Directing the work of other people	11	15	26
Making a budget	8	15	23
Keeping a record of all your activities	7	20	27
Interviewing people	6	11	17

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.10. Sales

With regard to capacity in sales, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity this group has is selling retail products (i.e. 20 people out of 100; 20%) followed by operating a cash register (i.e. 18 people out of 100; 18%). In terms of the way sales are done, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity the group has is selling door to door (i.e. 18 people out of 100; 18%) (see Table 10).

Table 10. Capacity in sales.

Capacity in sales	Male	Female	Total
Operating a cash register	2	16	18
Selling products wholesale	8	5	13
Selling products retail	9	11	20
Selling services	8	6	14
How have you sold these products or services?
Door to door	15	3	18
Telephone	1	4	5
Mail	1	1	2
In store	2	1	3
At home	4	4	8

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.11. Music

In terms of capacity in the music, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity the group has is singing (i.e. 22 people out of 100; 22%) (S=see Table 11).

Table 11. Capacity in music.

Capacity in music	Male	Female	Total
Singing	8	14	22
Play an instrument (which instrument?)	5	1	6

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.12. Security

The inventory revealed that the highest capacity in security that the group has is guarding a residential property (i.e. 16 people out of 100; 16%) followed by guarding a commercial property (i.e. 15 people out of 100; 15%) and guarding an industrial property (i.e. 15 people out of 100; 15%) (see Table 12).

Table 12. Capacity in security.

Capacity in security	Male	Female	Total
Guarding a residential property	13	3	16
Guarding a commercial property	12	3	15
Guarding industrial property	13	2	15
Armed guard	4	0	4
Crowd control	12	2	14
Ushering at major events	8	5	13
Installing alarms or security systems	1	0	1
Fire fighting	2	2	4

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.13. Community skills

In terms of capacity in community skills, the inventory revealed that the highest capacity the group has is running church fundraisers (i.e. 17 people out of 100; 17%) followed by organising church suppers (i.e. 16 people out of 100; 16%) (see Table 13).

Table 13. Capacity in community skills.

Capacity in community skills	Male	Female	Total
Boy scouts/girl scouts	0	7	7
Church fundraisers	0	17	17
Bingo	0	0	0
School parents’ associations	0	8	8
Sports team	8	6	14
Camp trips for children	0	9	9
Field trips	0	8	8
Political campaigns	5	3	8
Block clubs	0	2	2
Community groups	0	14	14
Yard sales (jumble sales)	0	2	2
Church suppers/meals	0	16	16
Community gardens	0	9	9
Neighbourhood organisation	2	9	11
Other groups or community work	3	6	9

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

6.14. Other capacities

With regard to other capacities, the inventory revealed that the highest other capacity the group has is sewing (i.e. 24 people out of 100; 24%). The group also has similar capacity in moving furniture or equipment to different locations (i.e. 24 people out of 100; 24%) followed by capacity in hair cutting (i.e. 20 people out of 100; 20% (see Table 14).

Table 14. Other capacities.

Other capacities	Male	Female	Total
Upholstering	2	2	4
Sewing	9	15	24
Dressmaking	1	7	8
Crocheting	1	4	5
Knitting	5	5	10
Tailoring	3	1	4
Moving furniture or equipment to different locations	16	8	24
Managing property	3	3	6
Assisting in classroom	4	11	15
Hairdressing	2	8	10
Hair cutting	14	6	20
Telephone surveys	1	2	3
Jewellery or watch repair	1	1	2

Source: Meal of Peace project, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa.

These capacities, pulled together, give us an overview of the available and rich capacity of this group of 100 homeless people. If this is extrapolated to the total homeless population of Tshwane it will represent a significant pool of capacities. Thus, this overview proves the point being made in this article that homeless people are not just numbers of people living in the streets of the city; they have the potential to contribute to the economy of the city. This contribution can only be realised if there is a coordinated partnership with socio-economic, political and administrative structures of the city and that of the larger community. Further, I argue that the key task of this partnership should be to work for the ‘release of the homeless people’ and this requires some creativity and imagination, as will be pointed out in the next section. Yet a question still needs to be asked: why are people with capacities such as this homeless group not able to find employment? If there is anything, this research confirms that having capacity is one thing, but having employment as per your capacity is another. Terreblanche (2002:423; original emphases) seems to point to the answer to this question when he says ‘the majority of the population were/are systematically and undeservedly impoverished … in the new system through systemic exclusion and systemic neglect’. This could also be related to the liberalisation of the economy associated with the free market, which tends, in the pursuit of profit, to facilitate trade of goods and capital without regard to local markets. The homeless of Tshwane are one group that is excluded and neglected by the current systems of the city. Hence, creativity is needed if their capacities are to be used as stepping stones for economic empowerment.

7. Building on the capacities of homeless people for their own economic freedom

The foregoing has shown that having capacity does not guarantee a pathway out of homelessness for this community. Therefore, there is a process to work for the release of people trapped in homelessness. It has to deal at the same time with addressing systemic exclusion, systemic neglect and transformation and liberation. The stories also highlight the role of a helping hand (i.e. community organisations and compassionate workers) in facilitating pathways out of homelessness. It is also apparent from the stories and research (Du Toit, 2010:116–7; see also Nkomo & Olufemi, 2001) that a combination of employment and home ownership has the power to release the homeless.

With reference to employment (seeking or creating), I argue that the current capacities which homeless people possess could be a stepping stone for creating or seeking employment. For example, Akanani centre identified four men who have handyman capacities in construction and repairs and provided them with basic tools. Now, these men are self-employed and at times receive job offers from the government. With a regular income, they are increasingly becoming self-reliant and active contributors to the economy through their employment. Strategic partnerships with initiatives such as Giraffe,⁵ which ‘aims to streamline the recruitment process for both businesses and jobseekers’, would help towards harnessing the skills of homeless people in ways which will maximise their prospect for employment (see Giraffe, 2015). For example, Giraffe could be approached to facilitate the placement of homeless people we have identified in this research for positions such as receptionists (for those having capacities in taking telephone messages and receiving telephone orders), waiters (for those having capacities of serving food and setting and clearing tables for a large number of people) and drivers (for the homeless people who have capacities in driving cars and vans).

Other possible self-employment options could be in the form of cooperatives. The South African Local Economic Development Network (2016:1) elaborates: cooperatives play an increasing significant role in helping unemployed people to ‘find solutions on how to cooperate out of poverty by tapping to their own resources, knowledge and strengths. Cooperatives contribute to develop the local economies where the poor live through their unique and strong linkages with the community’. Other options for employment could also be possible through facilitating internship opportunities through institutions such as Internship SA.⁶ These opportunities will, on one hand, foster the ‘ethic of work’ – which deals with the question of what constitutes ‘good’ work (Kretzschmar, 2012:126 and 127) and the perennial unemployment in South Africa. Christian ethics in particular, which ‘is concerned with good, right, true and loving relationships with other people, just interactions within society and the appropriate utilisation of the natural environment’ (Kretzschmar, 2012:127), should, for me, become the backbone for advocacy towards creating employment for the homeless people. This advocacy should first consider the removal of the structural or systemic or prejudicial obstacles in order to afford the homeless community access to the job market.

With the pool of capacities identified in this group of homeless people and with some creativity and advocacy for inclusion and recognition of potential, the following small businesses or employment opportunities could be initiated: (1) auxiliary care givers, (2) receptionists and front desk staff, (3) maintenance staff, (4) waiters and restaurant helpers, (5) child minders, (6) drivers, (7) assistant electronic technicians, (8) administration assistants, (9) retail and sales staff, (10) entertainers, (11) security guards, (12) community fundraising assistants, (13) sewing for sale, (14) hair salon staff and (15) furniture removal service. A grassroots organisation affiliated to Tshwane Homeless Forum in collaboration with the city and researchers has the resources to coordinate, promote and advocate for this cause.

This collaboration should not be about a handout. It should rather be about providing pathways out of homelessness for people who have the basic capacity to do so. It is about building this community of homeless people inside-out by mobilising what they have and maximising it so that they become active contributors to the economy of the city. Thus, those who are sick, weak and injured such as the homeless people, because of the inherent injustice of the current economic system in the City of Tshwane, should receive help and support as a matter of urgency.

8. Conclusion

Homeless people have skills and capacities that can be harnessed to lift them out of poverty. This research unearthed, by means of a basic capacity inventory, the potential for economic contribution that a homeless community could make in Tshwane. With some creativity, advocacy and lobbying, this homeless community has the capacity to be employed in the following small businesses or employment opportunities: (1) auxiliary care givers, (2) receptionists and front desk staff, (3) maintenance staff, (4) waiters and restaurant helpers, (5) child minders, (6) drivers, (7) assistant electronic technicians, (8) administration assistants, (9) retail and sales staff, (10) entertainers, (11) security guards, (12) community fundraising assistants, (13) sewing for sale, (14) hair salon staff and (15) furniture removal service.

It has, however, also recognised that the plight of homeless people is a web of entrapment which leads to dehumanising conditions and further exacerbates multidimensional marginalisation that they are subjected to on a daily basis. Nonetheless, their stories tell of their resiliency, and their determination to survive and improve their lives.

It is therefore implied through these findings that, while we work with the homeless towards relief, development, transformation and liberation, we must never undermine the resources, skills and potential they have which is needed for their economic empowerment and development. The capacities and skills of homeless people are stepping stones in the search for pathways out of homelessness in Tshwane.

Acknowledgements

Some parts of this article were presented at the Homeless Summit held in Pretoria from 25 to 27 May 2015. The author gratefully acknowledges funding from the Meal of Peace project, a community engagement project of the Department of Christian Spirituality Church History and Missiology in the College of Human Sciences at University of South Africa that supported this research.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 The Meal of Peace project includes a diaconal ministry and research into homelessness in Pretoria with the aim of designing targeted interventions. It is about doing justice in the context of homelessness.

2 Tshwane Homeless Forum is a coordinating advocacy structure made of the homeless communities and service organisations focused on working mostly with street homelessness, referring to those who are economically, situationally, chronically and ‘near’ homeless, in the search for pathways out of homelessness.

3 This is the case of one gentleman from Marapyane (Mpumalanga) who sells banana at Marabastad during the day and has no reliable shelter in the evenings. This situation highlights the inequality and injustice that many folks on the margins face in the current economic system.

4 The eight stories so far collected include those of Bongani Phiri, Casuis Rikhoto, Christina Ebuang, Itumeleng Thafeng, Thato Malashe and three others who opted to remain anonymous. Rikhoto, who used to sleep on the streets of Pretoria west, now has a stand in the new area in Soshanguve and is working. Ebuang left her home to live on the streets of Pretoria as a result of abuse by family; she is now living at Potter's House while she is looking for a job. Thafeng’s pathway out of homelessness was made possible through a job as a security guard and then a job at Tshwane Leadership Foundation. Malashe is working on getting new identity books and duplicates for his certificates; he received training as a sales person offered by Mr Price Stores Group which opens the door for an eventual placement as a sales person in those stores.

5 Giraffe is one the cheapest and fastest agencies in South Africa aimed at facilitating placement for medium-skilled workers such as supervisors, cashiers, call centre agents, waiters, drivers and receptionists.

6 See http://www.internships-sa.co.za/search/label/Internship Accessed 30 October 2016.