Introduction

Abstract

Against the background of its problematic human-rights record and the military regime's continued extra-constitutional rule, Myanmar has faced mounting diplomatic pressure from the international community since the renewed detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in May 2003. This Adelphi Paper examines Myanmar's foreign policy, which is predicated on state-building and development, as well as defending the regime's decision to give priority to establishing an enduring constitution over immediate national reconciliation and democratisation. It discusses how the regime has been able to take advantage of the economic, security and geostrategic interests of both China and India in the country to achieve developmental and security goals, and how its relations with Beijing in particular have assumed ever greater significance as Western capitals have sought to place Myanmar under the scrutiny of the UN Security Council on the grounds that its domestic circumstances have regional security implications. It discusses the regime's objectives, concerns and challenges in its relations with the US, Japan and Europe; details the difficult decisions of the leadership as ASEAN has started to relax its application of the non-interference norm when dealing with Myanmar; and examines its interaction with the UN, particularly the secretary-general and his special envoys. The paper concludes by analysing the likely regional and international implications of intensified political pressure on the military regime.

Notes

¹ John R. Bolton, Remarks to the Press on the Situation in Burma, 16 December 2005: http://www.state.gov/p/io/rls/rm/58913.htm.

² ASEAN, Chairman's Statement of the 11^th ASEAN Summit, ‘One Vision, One Identity, One Community’, Kuala Lumpur, 12 December 2005: http://www.aseansec.org/18039.htm. Myanmar's seven-step roadmap focuses on the ‘reconvening of the National Convention adjourned since 1996…[the] drafting of a new constitution’, its ‘adoption through national referendum’, the ‘holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (legislative bodies) according to the new constitution’, the ‘convening of Hluttaws’ and the ‘building of a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders of elected Hluttaws, and the government and other central organs’. See Khin Maung Win, ‘Myanmar Road to Democracy: The Way Forward’, Presentation to the Seminar on Understanding Myanmar, Yangon, 27–8 January 2004: http://www.mewash-ingtondc.com/Road_Map_Process_files/Myanmar_Road_to_Democracy_The_ Way_Forward.htm. For a discussion, see Robert H. Taylor, ‘Myanmar: Roadmap to Where?’, in Daljit Singh and Chin Kin Wah, eds, Southeast Asian Affairs 2004 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies [ISEAS], 2004), pp. 171–84.

³ For assessments of Myanmar's human rights situation, see Human Rights Watch Asia: http://hrw.org/doc/?t=asia&c=burma.

⁴ The work of the ICRC is on-going. The ICRC delegation in Myanmar employs 60 expatriates and 298 national staff in its Yangon head office and 5 sub-delegations (Taunggyi, Kyaing Tong, Mandalay, Mawlamyine and Hpa-An). However, since the end of 2005 the ICRC has not conducted detention visits in response to the military's decision to challenge what the ICRC regards as standard working modalities.

⁵ Marwaan Macan-Markar, ‘AI visit to Burma: Seeks release of political prisoners’, Inter Press Service, 14 February 2003.