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Abstract
This article deals with the Brazilian labour movement, the relationship between unions and politics, and the channels for union participation within the government. It also focuses on the main union movement’s proposals and their acceptance by employers and government. It presents some indicators concerning collective action and mobilization, pointing out differences between union practices and ideas, and indicating some sources of conflict between the hegemonic and the minority Brazilian labour movements.
Acknowledgements
The author thanks Espaço da Escrita − Coordenadoria Geral da Universidade- UNICAMP for the language services provided.
Disclosure statement
The authors report no conflicts of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of this article.
Notes
Notes
1 Galvão, “Trade Unions and Neoliberal Politics in Brazil.”
2 Henrique, “Um olhar dos trabalhadores,” 306.
3 Araújo and Véras de Oliveira, “El sindicalismo brasileño en la era de Lula: entre paradojas y nuevas perspectivas”; Galvão, “The Brazilian Labor Movement under PT Governments.”
4 Mouriaux, Syndicalisme et politique; Mouriaux, “Syndicalisme et politique: liaison dangereuse ou tragédie moderne?”; Hyman and Gumbrell-McCormick, “Syndicats, politique et partis.”
5 Hyman and Gumbrell-McCormick, “Syndicats,” 19.
6 Taylor, Trade Unions and Politics, 18.
7 A concept forged by Mathieu, according to which the protest mobilizations develop themselves within an area of interdependent relationships, possibly conflicting, of intensity and variable nature, among different movements. Mathieu, “L’espace des mouvements sociaux.”
8 See, among others, the collection organized by Bridi et al., O sindicalismo na era Lula.
9 Antoine, “Le syndicalisme alternatif de l’internationalisme.”
10 Gianotti, Força Sindical, a central neoliberal; Galvão, Neoliberalismo e reforma trabalhista no Brasil.
11 Pluralism in peak organizations contrasts with the monopoly of representation in the local unions.
12 Its president, Paulo Pereira da Silva, was elected representative by the Democratic Labor Party (PDT) in 2006 and re-elected in 2010. Even becoming a parliamentarian, he remained as the president of the union federation until moving to his new political party, the Solidarity, in 2013.
13 Roberto Santiago is a PSD/SP (Social Democratic Party) federal representative, and was affiliated with PV until 2011. David Zaia was elected state representative by PPS-SP (Socialist People’s Party) and has been the Public Management Secretary of São Paulo government since March 2012. Antonio Carlos dos Reis, Salim, was federal representative of DEM (Democrats) and is currently vice-mayor of Carapicuíba (SP). They are all UGT vice presidents.
14 D’Araujo, A elite dirigente do governo Lula, 76.
15 To explain such fragmentation, we must also consider the maintenance of state-sponsored corporatist union structure, based on the monopoly of representation to a single local union and the compulsory deduction of union dues by the state. In 2014, there were 14 union federations in Brazil—12 registered with the Ministry of Labor and Employment and two (Intersindical) not registered. See also: Tropia et al. “A reorganização da esquerda sindical nos anos 2000.”
16 Although the FNT operating rules foresaw that in the “consensus” absence case, the final decision would be up to the government.
17 The law recognizing union federations was adopted in 2008. It establishes criteria for representation and ensures the remittance of 10 percent of the compulsory union membership levy (paid by every worker, whether he or she is a member of the union or not) to the officially recognized union federation. This law has contributed to the fragmentation of the union federations, each group seeking to obtain its union dues portion.
18 Galvão, “Entre o real e o virtual.”
19 Tapia, “Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social.”
20 Araújo, “Participação Social no Governo Lula,” 118.
21 Tapia, “Conselho.”
22 This measure, introduced by the pension reform undertaken by the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso in 1998, aims to encourage private sector workers to delay retirement, as it cuts the value of pension by up to 40 percent.
23 Centrais Sindicais, “Pauta positiva da classe trabalhadora no congresso nacional.”
24 Diap, Agenda Legislativa dos Trabalhadores no Congresso Nacional.
25 CNI, Agenda Legislativa da Indústria.
26 In this calculation, we did not consider six subjects whose discussion started in previous legislatures.
27 CNI, 101 Propostas para Modernização Trabalhista.
28 CNI, 101 Propostas para Modernização Trabalhista.
29 Due to its importance, we reproduce the employer’s argument here: “A modern labor system consists of a legal base that deals with fundamental rights and establishes rules of the dialogue process between the parties involved, the remainder defined by negotiations that take into account sectoral, regional and even each company[’s] and each worker[’s] specificities. In this sense it would be necessary to replace a model in which almost everything is defined by law and very little is negotiated, for another one emphasizing bargaining and reducing the homogeneous state guardianship” (CNI, 101 Propostas, 20).
30 Boito Jr., “Governo Lula,” 69. To the debate on the nature of the current development model, see Novelli, “As ideias econômicas e o debate no governo Lula.”
31 Nobre, Choque de democracia.
32 The peemedemism would end in 2013 and the events of June 2013 would be the coup de grâce.
33 Arcary, Um reformismo quase sem reformas, 24.
34 Singer, Os sentidos do lulismo, 21.
35 Singer, Os sentidos, 22.
36 Social partnership implies willingness to dialogue, to negotiate, to compromise—in that it is possible to conclude a social pact with the State and with employers.
37 Galvão, “A reconfiguração do movimento sindical nos governos Lula.”
38 Kelly, “Union militancy and social partnership,” 80 − 81.
39 Gagnon, “Le syndicalisme.”
40 Taylor, “Trade Unions and the Politics of Social-Democracy Renewal.”
41 On the contrary, as indicated by Boito and Marcelino, “O sindicalismo deixou a crise para trás?” strikes have grown from 2004.
42 We must consider, among the factors explaining these low ratings, the mobilization difficulties in the context of such economic improvement: despite the economic crisis of 2008, the average annual GDP growth was four percent in the eight years of Lula’s government (2003 − 2010). The average during Dilma’s first mandate was significantly reduced, falling to two percent between 2011 and 2013, and it has continued to fall since then, which is one reason, among others, to increase opposition to her administration.
43 Almeida, “Sobre luta de classes e encenação.”
44 Centrais Sindicais, “8ª marcha da classe trabalhadora.”
45 According to the agreement signatories, “Our proposal takes into account the need to preserve the system’s sustainability and not just end up with a formula for calculation.” Centrais Sindicais, “Centrais Sindicais exigem aprovação do Acordo sobre Fator Previdenciário” (our emphasis). One must remember that the end of the social security factor was approved in both the upper and lower Houses of Representatives in 2010, but was vetoed by President Lula.
46 As the explanatory memorandum of the proposed laws states: “Recent attempts to promote reform of the labor relations system through social dialogue and tripartism, to define new instruments of union representation and collective bargaining, find difficulties among the conservative resistance of workers, employers and Law operators’ representatives, due to the fear that the collective bargaining could threaten labor rights and bring legal uncertainty for businesses.”
47 Nobre, “Moderno é negociar.”
48 CTB, “Por que não apoiamos este programa de proteção ao emprego.”
49 Contracs, “Posicionamento, da Direção Nacional da Contracs–CUT.”