Commercializing academic knowledge and reputation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: photography and beyond

Abstract

This article argues that Hermann Vogel (1834–1898), the head of the photochemical laboratory of the Technische Hochschule Berlin-Charlottenburg, was not exceptional in pursuing business undertakings throughout his academic career. After highlighting the involvement of higher education employees of various disciplines and institutions in the photographic industry as consultants, patentees, and entrepreneurs, I more closely examine the commercial activities of Vogel and those of Adolf Miethe (1862–1927), Vogel’s successor in Berlin. This analysis points to a notable continuity through time. It shows that these scientists’ decades-long engagement in commercial work was not materially affected by (1) their salary levels, (2) the emergence of industrial research in the photographic and optical industries, and (3) changes in the amount of government funding for scientific research. In addition, it reveals that the Prussian education ministry maintained a strong focus on reputational risks in handling complaints concerning commercial activities of these academics.

Keywords:

• Science commercialization
• academic entrepreneurship
• photography
• photochemistry
• Hermann Vogel
• Adolf Miethe

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to everyone who provided helpful feedback on very early drafts of this paper at the ‘Academic entrepreneurship in history’ conference in Ghent or the 2014 annual meetings of SHOT and the EBHA. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewer of History and Technology, the participants in the Johns Hopkins Colloquium in the History of Science, Medicine, and Technology, and Anna Guagnini and Gabriel Galvez-Behar for their valuable comments on later versions of the manuscript.

Notes

1. Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin (hereafter GStaPK), I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 382–8. My translation from the German. See also Kändler, Anpassung und Abgrenzung, 251–2.

2. See Reports with analyses on the Apollinaris Spring, Neuenahr, Rhenish Prussia, Washington, DC: U.S. Government Print. Office, 1878 (quote from p. 2).

3. Marcovich and Shinn, ‘Regimes of Science Production and Diffusion’; and editors’ introduction to this special issue.

4. Gillespie, The Early American Daguerreotype.

5. Auger, ‘Régime de recherche utilitaire,’ 353–4; Boudia, ‘The Curie Laboratory,’ 177; Sanderson, ‘The Professor as Industrial Consultant’; and Tweedale, ‘Geology and Industrial Consultancy.’

6. Dienel, ‘Professoren als Gutachter,’ 177; and Sanderson, ‘The Professor as Industrial Consultant,’ 587–8. In contrast, the academic chemist-consultant William Ramsay ‘was always looking for new ways in which to earn money,’ see Watson, ‘The Chemist as Expert,’ 149.

7. Auger, ‘Régime de recherche utilitaire’; Gingras, Malissard, and Auger, ‘Conditions d’émergence des ‘conflits d’intérêts’; and Mirowski, Science-Mart.

8. Gingras, Malissard, and Auger, ‘Conditions d’émergence des ‘conflits d’intérêts’; Dienel, ‘Professoren als Gutachter,’ 171; and König, ‘Engineering Professors as Entrepreneurs,’ 10; and above, 18. The same concern was expressed with regard to government science institutes such as the Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt in Germany and the National Physical Laboratory in Britain; see Cahan, An Institute for an Empire, 81, and Clarke, ‘Pure Science with a Practical Aim,’ 303–5. For a similar objection concerning agricultural research, see Rosenberg and Steinmueller, ‘Engineering Knowledge,’ 1132.

9. Auger, ‘Régime de recherche utilitaire’; Sanderson, ‘The Professor as Industrial Consultant,’ 598; and Simmons, ‘Working in a Transitional Territory.’

10. Marsch, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft, 63; Reinhardt and Travis, Heinrich Caro, chap. 7; Johnson, ‘Academic-Industrial Symbiosis in Chemical Research,’ and additional literature cited therein. More generally, revisionist studies of industrial research have stressed that even corporations with large in-house laboratories heavily relied on the knowledge and know-how of their customers and suppliers, as well as of outside researchers and inventors. See the editors’ introduction in Clarke, Lamoreaux, and Usselman, The Challenge of Remaining Innovative.

11. MacLeod, ‘Reluctant Entrepreneurs.’

12. Kändler, Anpassung und Abgrenzung; and Späth, ‘Die Technische Hochschule Berlin-Charlottenburg.’

13. I would like to thank Wolfgang König for bringing the records of the Prussian Kultusministerium to my attention, as they have proved to be an unusually rich source for examining the commercialization of academic science.

14. See Bancroft, ‘The Electrochemistry of Light,’ 259–61; Ciamician, ‘The Photochemistry of the Future,’ 390; and Plotnikov, Lehrbuch der Photochemie, 92–7.

15. E.g. the écoles industrielles in Belgium. See Eder, ‘Die Photographie als Schuldisziplin’; and Warnerke, ‘Photographic Technical Instruction on the Continent of Europe.’

16. Eder, Photographie als Wissenschaft; and Hentschel, ‘Scientific Photography,’ 107–8 (quote from latter source).

17. Anthony & Co. to Chandler, 1 April 1887, in Charles F. Chandler Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, box 241, folder 3. Chandler became the journal’s editor in 1884, see Marder, Marder, and Duncan, Anthony, 201. The sum of $500 has been converted from 1887 to 2015 U.S. dollars via www.measuringworth.com, using the Purchasing Power Calculator (accessed August 2016). As Reese Jenkins has pointed out (Images and Enterprise, 165), most of the actual editorial work was done by Chandler’s former student Arthur Elliott.

18. Eder, ‘Geschichte der Erfindung der Chlorsilbergelatine,’ 856; Gillespie, ‘Draper and Early Scientific Photography,’ 245; Jenkins, Images and Enterprise, 146 and 165; Mauersberger, ‘Hermann Krone,’ 181; Mercelis, ‘Entrepreneurial Incentives for Not Patenting,’ 67–9; and Pritchard, ‘Rouch, William White.’ Multiple advertisements quoting product endorsements by Schmidt are included in Gale Cengage’s nineteenth-century photography database (accessed August 2016).

19. Abney, ‘Improvements in Photo-Mechanical Printing’; and Ward, ‘Abney.’

20. Kayser, Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben, 95–6.

21. See correspondence between Moler and Theodore Bryant in George S. Moler Papers, Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.

22. Eder, ‘History of the Invention’; Eder, ‘Method of Protecting Against Light of Short Wave Length’; and Lüppo-Cramer, ‘Biographie von Eder,’ 1047. See also Austrian patents nos. 93,080 and 93,083 and German patent no. 379,699. In 1933, Eder and radiologist Leopold Freund of the University of Vienna requested patent protection of a related invention. See Eder and Freund, ‘Lichtschutzmittel.’

23. See letters, Samuel Stratton to Eder, 16 January, 21 April 1920, 8 June 1921, William Ford Upson to William Meggers, 18 March 1920, and Meggers to Eder, 12 May 1920 and 20 January, 28 March 1922, in William F. Meggers Papers, Niels Bohr Library and Archives, American Institute of Physics, box 1, folder 2–4.

24. Servos, Physical Chemistry from Ostwald to Pauling, 109–11; and Wise, Willis R. Whitney. Another MIT professor, the electrical engineer Harold Edgerton, established a consulting firm in 1931 to commercialize his work in stroboscopic photography (see Roberts, Entrepreneurs in High Technology).

25. On Baekeland and Guequier, see Mercelis, ‘Learning from Entrepreneurial Failure.’ On Meyer, see Papenbrock, ‘Der Lehrstuhl für Kunstgeschichte in Karlsruhe,’ 181; GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 6–10; and ‘Helios.’ On Demenÿ and Marey, see Braun, Picturing Time (especially 180–3). As a further example, in 1887 the British sanitary engineer William K. Burton co-founded a dry plate manufacturing company while continuing his activities as a professor at Imperial University in Tokyo. See Tucker et al., History of Japanese Photography, 335.

26. Reinhardt and Travis, Heinrich Caro, 216; and Wentzel, Memoirs of a Photochemist, 11. Other nineteenth- and early twentieth-century examples of such patentees are the mathematician Joseph Petzal (University of Vienna), Vogel, Miethe, and Miethe’s collaborators Arthur Traube and Erich Stenger (TH Charlottenburg).

27. Edgerton, ‘Industrial Research in the British Photographic Industry’; Hercock and Jones, Silver by the Ton, 52.

28. Within his own Department of Chemistry and Metallurgy, Vogel had troubled relationships with Carl Liebermann (organic chemistry), Friedrich Rüdorff (inorganic chemistry), and Rudolf Weber (chemical technology); see GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 298 and Bl. 308–13, and Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 185.

29. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 115–9 and 185–6 (quote from 186). The most comprehensive accounts of Vogel’s career are Herneck, Vogel, and especially Röll, Vogel. Röll’s study is exceptional in its attention for Vogel’s commercial engagements; however, his analyses are often one-sided as he strongly relied on Vogel’s own journal, Photographische Mitteilungen, as a source of information. For more biographical information on Miethe, see Helmut Seibt’s introduction to Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, and the memoirs themselves.

30. On the ‘Lunden affair,’ see GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 2, Bl. 347–8, and Bd. 3, Bl. 6–17 and Bl. 55–64. Somewhat similarly, a conflict between Vogel and government building officer (Baurat) Rudolf Stüve over the design of the photochemical laboratory at the TH Charlottenburg escalated to the point where Stüve charged Vogel with having intentionally flooded his own rooms and Vogel initiated a libel action.

31. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 4, Bl. 211–33; Hoerner, Das photographische Gewerbe in Deutschland, 101 and 104; Herneck, Vogel, 30; and Röll, Vogel, 21.

32. Vogel, ‘Dr. Vogel’s neues Photometer für den Pigmentdruck (Kohledruck).’

33. ‘Answers to Correspondents’; ‘Dr. Vogel’s Photometer,’ 161–3; ‘The American Carbon Manual’; Photographic Society of Philadelphia, ‘Minutes 1 April 1868,’ 172. Like Vogel, Swan and Edward Wilson, the latter of whom was both John Hood’s business partner and the editor of the Philadelphia Photographer, were committed to the development of carbon photography.

34. ‘Dr. Vogel’s Photometer,’ 185.

35. ‘Answers to Correspondents’; Jacobsen, ‘Sitzung vom 19. Juli 1867,’ 115–6; and Marowsky, ‘Sitzung vom 18. Oktober 1867,’ 197.

36. Schrank, ‘Die Entwicklung des Kohleverfahrens,’ 36–8.

37. Berger, ‘Photography Distinguishes Itself’; and Mercelis, ‘Public Knowledge and Private Enterprise.’

38. Röll, Vogel, 42–4 (quote from 43); and ‘Dr. Vogel’s Photometer und der Hamburger Bezirks-Verein.’

39. For further examples, see Hentschel, Mapping the Spectrum, 248–9 (‘H.W. Vogel’s big spectrograph [grosser Spectograph]’), and Herneck, Vogel, 41 (‘Dr. Vogel’s neuer Silberprober’).

40. Röll, Vogel, 80; and Vogel, ‘Process of Producing Photographic Emulsions.’

41. Fischer, Byk Gulden, 37–8; ‘Preparing Gelatine Plates in the Studio’; Pritchard, ‘Rouch, William White’; Schwier, ‘Experiments with Carbonate of Silver Paper,’ 292; and Vogel, ‘Dr. Vogel’s Emulsion.’

42. Herneck, Vogel, 40; Jenkins, Images and Enterprise; Mauersberger, ‘Hermann Krone,’ 184; and Röll, Vogel, 80–1.

43. Röll, Vogel, 88–9; ‘Selections from our French and German Contemporaries,’ 307; Vogel, ‘German Correspondence’; and Wood, ‘State Pension for Daguerre.’

44. Miethe, Dreifarbenphotographie nach der Natur, 6–7; Röll, Vogel, 89–94 and 98–103. As Röll describes, Agfa delivered azalin to Vogel, who sold it in alcoholic solution to photographers and photographic manufacturers. Agfa had also produced eosin for Vogel. Firms which marketed Vogel’s azalin plate include Joh. Sachs & Co. of Berlin and Otto Perutz of Munich.

45. Röll, Vogel, 102.

46. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 2, Bl. 106–12 (quotes from 106 and 109).

47. Röll, Vogel, 108–15; Schrank, ‘Kleine Mittheilungen’; Vogel, ‘Letter from Germany’; and obituaries of Ernst Vogel in Hermann Wilhelm Vogel Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University (e.g. Kaiserling, ‘Dem Gedächtnis Dr. Ernst Vogels’).

48. Copy of Vogel, ‘Die neue Farbenphotographie,’ Berliner Tageblatt (2 Februray 1896) in GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 89, Nr. 20950, Bl. 56. See also Vogel, ‘Sensationelles,’ and ‘Photography in Natural Colours.’ Pächter was a personal friend of Menzel, see Morton, Max Klinger and Wilhelmine Culture, 170–1.

49. Sipley (A Half Century of Color, 16) was told that Kurtz had paid the extravagant sum of $40,000 – approximately $1,070,000 in 2015 U.S. dollars – to engage Ernst Vogel as a consultant. Other historians of photography have repeated this extremely high figure. Taft (Photography and the American Scene, 34) simply wrote that Kurtz ‘spent his entire fortune’ on color-reproduction experiments.

50. Brown, Contesting Images, 23; GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 4, Bl. 159–60; Scamoni, ‘Erinnerung an die World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago,’ 174; Schmidt-Bachem, Aus Papier, 514; Vogel, ‘Letter from the World’s Fair,’ 539; and Von der Hasenheide, ‘Berliner Nachrichten,’ 125–7.

51. On this argument, see Franzoni and Lissoni, ‘Academic Entrepreneurs’; Perkmann et al., ‘Academic Engagement and Commercialisation’, and introduction to this special issue.

52. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 143–5 (quote from 145); and Röll, Vogel, 23.

53. Richard Anthony to Charles Chandler, 24 November 1888, in Charles Chandler Papers, box 241, folder 3; and Röll, Vogel, 41 and 85.

54. See GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 177–8, 339, 381, 414 and 417, and Bd. 4, Bl. 5, 51, and 69. This is not to say that Vogel’s role in the commercial endeavor was not disputed. Other sources make clear that he was strongly criticized for (allegedly) not giving proper credit to Emil Ulrich, most obviously by substituting Ulrich’s name with his own in promotional materials. See e.g. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 216.

55. Rasch, ‘Auf dem Weg zum Diensterfinder.’

56. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 387–8. The Prussian education ministry’s concern about reputational harm is also reflected in its dealings with Robert Koch. As Christoph Gradmann has discussed, the ministry publicly praised Koch’s ‘unselfishness’ and ‘love of truth’ in 1890 while privately countering the bacteriologist’s high financial demands concerning the commercialization of his supposed tuberculosis cure. See Gradmann, ‘Money and Microbes’ (quotes from 61).

57. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 1, Bl. 17–21.

58. This was H. & W. Patacky, the firm of the patent agents Hugo and Wilhelm Patacky.

59. This law, which specifically targeted the physicist Hermann Aron because of his affiliation with the Social Democratic Party, infamously made it easier to dismiss Privatdozenten for ‘unpatriotic’ behavior by giving them the status of civil servants. On the requirement to consult with faculty on disciplinary measures, see Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins, 141–2.

60. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 7, Bl. 46–50, 179–80, 189–90, 208–11, and 217–22 (quote from 189 to 190).

61. The department made the same comment with respect to Ernst Vogel, one of the two other industry-based scientists who had made it to its shortlist. It was not uncommon to offer industrial scientists a higher professorial salary, see Kändler, Anpassung und Abgrenzung, 12.

62. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 188.

63. The Kaiser took an interest in the development of color photography and repeatedly invited Miethe to lecture on this topic. See GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 89, Nr. 20950, Bl. 77–80, 84–9, 107–10, and 150–54; and König, Wilhelm II. und die Moderne, 17.

64. See Miethe’s correspondence with the education ministry in GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 5 (volume unpaged); GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 6, Bl. 128; Kändler, Anpassung und Abgrenzung; and Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen. Miethe was elected into the Order of the Red Eagle as a knight of the fourth class. On Vogel, see GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 222–5 and 235–7; and Herneck, Vogel, 78–9 and 94.

65. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 195.

66. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 7, Bl. 287–94. For more on Miethe’s close connections with Goerz, see Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 239–49, and Bush, Ceragioli, and Stephani, ‘3-Lens Catadiptric Camera by Bernhard Schmidt.’ Georg Büxenstein & Co. was one of Miethe’s other consulting clients. On the restrictions faced by directors and staff of Prussia’s extra-university research institutes, see Rasch, ‘Auf dem Weg zum Diensterfinder’; Gradmann, ‘Money and Microbes,’ 66 and 69; and Cahan, An Institute for an Empire, 81 and 243–4 (n. 59).

67. Vaupel, ‘Edelsteine aus der Fabrik.’

68. According to the anonymous objection, Miethe had failed to notify the public of the different chemical compositions of natural and laboratory-produced alexandrite gemstones in previous communications.

69. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 8, Bl. 52–63.

70. Vereinigte Inhaber Optischer Geschäfte to Konrad Haenisch, c. 30 August 1920, in GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 10 (volume unpaged).

71. Dienel, ‘Professoren als Gutachter,’ 176–7.

72. See Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 258–60; letters of Miethe and president of TH Charlottenburg to the education ministry, 1 October 1920 and 1 and 4 October 1923, and Otto Boelitz’ response to Miethe on 27 December 1923, in GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 10 (unpaged). On Miethe’s patents, see Helmut Seibt’s biographical notes in Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 295–6, and Deutsches Patent- und Markenamt, DEPATISnet.

73. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 189. Similar mixes of public and private funding also supported other academic laboratories created around the turn of the century at the TH Charlottenburg as well as at other German higher education institutions. See Johnson, ‘Reshaping the Academic-Industrial Alliance,’ and Kändler, Anpassung und Abgrenzung, 110.

74. Ibid., 254–60. On Goldman, see also Cook, ‘Henry Goldman.’ Goldman’s help was an indirect result of Miethe’s agreeing to consult for Büxenstein, as this work made him acquainted with the entrepreneur Martin Nordegg, who on his part brought Miethe’s research to the attention of Goldman.

75. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 261–86; Stoltzenberg, Fritz Haber, 500–6; Szöllösi-Janze, Fritz Haber, 511 and 526; Schwankner, ‘Verspätete Alchimie.’ Miethe and Stammreich’s findings were extensively discussed in the journals Naturwissenschaften and Zeitschrift für anorganische und allgemeine Chemie between 1924 and 1927.

76. Photographic inventions that Miethe had patented include a magnesium flash light, the use of isocyanine dyes (especially ethyl red) in color-photographic plates, and a three-color camera which he commercialized in collaboration with Bermpohl & Co.

77. Regarding the former point, Miethe himself writes that he agreed with Henry Goldman that, if the invention eventually turned out to be profitable, it would be his duty to share earnings with the German state in light of its support for his work. See Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 272. Such a sense of obligation toward the state was shared by other German academic scientists of Miethe’s generation. See Rasch, ‘Auf dem Weg zum Diensterfinder,’ 226–7.

78. See references above, note 74. Quotes from Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 271 and 277.

79. Dienel, ‘Professoren als Gutachter,’ and Ingenieure zwischen Hochschule und Industrie, 524–52 (quote from 546); Huijnen, De belofte van vitamines; Okun, Fair Play in the Marketplace, chap. 10; Rasmussen, ‘Moral Economy’; and Sanderson, ‘The Professor as Industrial Consultant,’ 596. Likewise, in her contribution to this special issue, Anna Guagnini observes that the names of British academic scientists regularly appeared below product endorsements. However, unlike with the just-mentioned studies, she found no indication that this practice was controversial. In contrast, as Guagnini points out and has been discussed in detail by Tal Golan, the conflicting testimony provided by scientific expert witnesses in lawsuits was perceived as a serious problem in both England and the United States. See Guagnini, ‘Ivory Towers?’; and Golan, Laws of Men and Laws of Nature.

80. As Wolfgang König shows elsewhere in this special issue, this does not mean that the Prussian education ministry never expressed any other concerns regarding the commercial activities of employees of the Technische Hochschulen. See König, ‘Engineering Professors as Entrepreneurs.’

81. Larson, ‘Chandler’, chap. 15; and Gustave Wolters to Frans Schollaert, 22 May 1896, in Ghent University Archives, 4 A2/4, box 66, folder 20 (1895–1896).

82. Ives, ‘A Note from Mr. Ives.’

83. Johnson, ‘Reshaping the Academic-Industrial Alliance’; and Marsch, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft.

84. Reinhardt and Travis, Heinrich Caro, 178–9. On Liebig, Kolbe, and Hofmann, see Brock, Liebig; Rocke, Quiet Revolution, 304–9; and Meinel and Scholz, Allianz von Wissenschaft und Industrie. For eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century examples of additional German academic chemists who combined their teaching duties with entrepreneurial initiatives, see Klein, ‘Technoscience avant la lettre’; and Gustin, ‘Emergence of the German Chemical Profession,’ 142–6. It is curious that Reinhardt and Travis regard the year 1860 as the turning point, although The Liebig Extract of Meat Company was founded in 1865, Hofmann became a silent partner in Agfa (created 1867), and Kolbe’s venture into industry did not happen until the mid-1870s. As Jeffrey Johnson describes, Hofmann’s assistant Ferdinand Tielmann also combined the roles of entrepreneur and academic employee in the 1870s, thus contributing to the creation of the synthetic perfumes industry. See Johnson, ‘Reshaping the Academic-Industrial Alliance,’ 172.

85. On this point, see also Guagnini, ‘Ivory Towers?’

86. Miethe, Lebenserinnerungen, 206 and 218; Noelting, Otto Nikolaus Witt, 1171; and Reinhardt and Travis, Heinrich Caro, 216.

87. GStaPK, I. HA Rep. 76 Vb Sekt. 4 Tit. III Nr. 9, Bd. 3, Bl. 235–7 (quote from 237), and Bd. 4, Bl. 159–60.

88. This table is based on Albertina, Biobibliografie zur Fotografie in Österreich; Albrecht, Technische Hochschule Braunschweig; Boyd, ‘Photographic Instruction at Cornell’; ‘Enseignement Photographique’; Eder, History of Photography, chap. 96; Frizot, Nouvelle histoire de la photographie, 208; Hannavy, Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Photography; Hentschel, Mapping the Spectrum and ‘Scientific Photography’; Hoerner, Das photographische Gewerbe in Deutschland, 92–112; Maine State College, Orono, ‘Annual Reports,’ 39–41; Mauersberger, ‘Hermann Krone’; Pitts, ‘William Bell,’ 65; Stevens, ‘University of Michigan School of Photography’; Technische Hochschule Hannover, Lehrkörper, 17 and 22; Ward, School of Military Engineering; and the yearly overviews of ‘Photographic Schools of Instruction’ in the American Annual of Photography. Because of the unfortunate lack of precise information available in the international literature, it was beyond the scope of this article to also include nineteenth-century academic photography courses taught outside of these five countries.

89. On sources used, see above, notes 24–25. The table does not include entrepreneurs who, like Hermann Krone in Dresden, had started a photography business before joining higher education institutions as teachers and/or researchers.