Ivory towers? The commercial activity of British professors of engineering and physics, 1880–1914

Abstract

The involvement of British academic scientists in commercial work has been often discussed by historians of science and technology. However a systematic study of this activity is still lacking. Focussing on the period 1880 to 1914, I examine the engagement in consulting, patenting and entrepreneurial initiatives of a segment of that community, namely engineering and physics professors. I discuss the institutional context in which it occurred and their motivations. The survey highlights that the majority of the engineering professors examined were involved in consulting and patenting, and a significant number of them pursued also entrepreneurial activities. As for the physics professors, only a few followed the example of their engineering colleagues, but did so vigorously. I argue that far from being reluctantly brought into the market for knowledge, the engineering as well as the physics professors who engaged these extra-academic activities eagerly sought to partake in the commercialization of the products of their scientific work.

Keywords:

• British universities
• academic patentees
• academic consultants
• academic entrepreneurs

Acknowledgements

Several years ago, Francesco Lissoni invited me to think about the commercial work of academic scientist in an historical perspective. Food for thought came from a conference on ‘Managing Knowledge in the Techno-Sciences’ organized by Graeme Gooday, Christine MacLeod and Greg Radick at the University of Leeds in 2010. On the way to the present form this article received valuable comments and suggestions from numerous colleagues, most notably from the participants in the conference on ‘Academic Entrepreneurship in History’ held in Ghent in 2015. During the preparation of the final version Stathis Arapostathis, Robert Fox and Shaul Kazir offered helpful suggestions and ideas. Above all, I am grateful my fellow editors, Gabriel Galvez-Behar and Joris Mercelis, for generous help throughout.

Notes

1. Bud and Roberts, Science versus Practice; and Hamlin, A Science of Impurity.

2. Watson, “The Chemist as Expert”; Tweedale, “Geology and Industrial Consultancy”; and Sanderson, “The Professor as Industrial Consultant.”

3. Smith and Wise, Energy and Empire.

4. Arapostathis and Gooday, Patently Contestable.

5. Arapostathis and Gooday, “Electrical Technoscience and Physics in Transition,” 79. On the notion of hybrid careers, and on Thomson as an example, see Kranakis, “Hybrid Careers,” 185–91.

6. An excellent analysis of the origin and early development of one of those colleges is offered by Kargon, Science in Victorian Manchester.

7. Before the university colleges achieved university status, their students who intended to obtain university level degrees had to submit to the examinations held by the University of London. Established in 1836, the University of London exercised no educational functions except those of examining and granting degrees.

8. The aim of the Institute, created in 1876 by the powerful and wealthy City of London’s Livery Companies, was to provide facilities for the training and education of young people who intended to become high level craftsmen, technicians and engineers. Gay, “Association and Practice.”

9. As of 1890 there were 15 other institutes in Britain at a similar level: Trinity College, Dublin; University of St. Andrews; King’s College, Aberdeen; University of Durham; University College, Dundee; University College, Nottingham; Firth College, Sheffield; Royal Naval College, Royal Military Academy; Royal Engineering College, Coopers Hill.

10. The case of University College, Bristol is indicative of this situation. When in 1885 Silvanus Thompson and Henry S. Hele-Shaw left respectively the chairs of physics and engineering, the two positions were merged. The new professor of experimental physics and engineering was John Ryan, a Cambridge MA and a student of Rayleigh’s at the Cavendish Laboratory who subsequently obtained a DSc in physics (electricity) at the University of London. On the other hand physics was taught by Arthur Chattock who attended Kennedy’s engineering courses and Carey Foster’s physics courses at University College London, and joined for a short period the firm of Siemens Brothers. In 1887 Chattock became Lodge’s assistant, and returned to Bristol in 1889 when he was appointed lecturer of physics (professor from 1893). Ryan occupied the chair of engineering until his retirement in 1899. On Chattock and Ryan see Tyndall, “A History of the Department of Physics in Bristol.”

11. This is the reason why, although my sample consists of 13 institutes, the chairs of physics are only 11. At the Central Institution the word physics was dropped from the name of the chair in 1899, whereupon it became a chair of electrical engineering.

12. In their comparative survey of academic physics establishments in 1900, Forman, Heilbron and Wear calculated that the total number of senior academic physicists in the United Kingdom was 32. Forman, Heilbron and Wear, Physics circa 1900, 12.

13. In the footnotes and in the References I have indicated only some of the sources (mainly biographical accounts) used in the preparation of this survey. The complete list of primary and secondary references has not been included.

14. Since 1858, following the Universities (Scotland) Act, the Scottish universities received an annual grant of c. £27,000 from the Treasury; in 1889 the grant was increased to £42,000 but no more provisions were made for buildings. On the other hand, they received very little support from their municipal and county authorities. Hutchinson, “The Origins of the University Grant Committee.”

15. By comparisons, in the late 1870s the professors of botany and chemistry at the University of Edinburgh, whose fixed salary was £200, earned respectively £1,500 and £2,000.

16. In 1867, when the new chair of engineering at Owens College, Manchester, was advertised, the salary amounted to £250. Not having attracted satisfactory candidates, Charles Beyer, the founder of Beyer, Peacock and Co., (locomotive builders), brought the salary up to £500, whereupon Osborne Reynolds accepted the appointment. Kargon, Science in Victorian Manchester, 182–90.

17. The financial organization of University College, London, and the criteria adopted to determine the payment of the professoriate, are described in detail by John Robson (Secretary of the College) in his evidence to the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction 1872. Questions 462–4.

18. In fact their salaries, as indicated in Table 2, were for that year below their average which was for the 1890s above £1,000 per year, with peaks of £1,200 for Lodge in 1898, and £1,300 for Hele-Shaw in 1892.

19. Perkin, The Rise of Professional Society, 16.

20. Perkin reports a very interesting contemporary description of the life-style of a family with and income of £800, based on an article by G. Colmore, “Family Budgets no. 3. Eight Hundred a Year,” Cornhill Magazine, June (1901): 796. Perkin, The Rise of Professional Society, 93.

21. Bank and insurance clerks, who were among the highest paid groups in the clerical profession, were paid on average £163 per year in 1880, £190 in 1900 and £200 in 1909. Clerks in the Comptrollers Department, London County Council, were paid £208 in 1890. Heller, “Work, Income and Stability”. The cost of attending a degree course at King’s College, London, in the 1880s was £42 per year, plus £150/200 if the students had to pay board and food. City of London Livery Companies Commission 1884, Vol. 1. Evidences: King's College London, The Secretary (Mr. J. W. Cunningham). Questions 1805–6. In the same decade the cost of university and college fees in Cambridge was in the range from £110 to £150 per year; in the 1890s on average £202. The Student’s Guide to the University of Cambridge. Cambridge: Deighton, Bell & Co., 1893, 294.

22. Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the advancement of Science. Minutes of Evidence, Vol. 1 First, Supplementary, and Second Reports, with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices. London: HMSO, 1872). Bartholomew Price (Professor of Natural Philosophy, Oxford), examined. Questions 3334–8.

23. According to Forman, Heilbron and Wear (Physics circa 1900, 42) in 1900 the average salary of physics professors in Britain was £700.

24. In the mid-1890s the public lectures that Oliver Lodge gave in Liverpool on themes such as the discovery of argon and X-rays drew an audience of 500–1000. The cost of the tickets was six pence. Edwards, “A Victorian Polymath,” 24.

25. Ibid., 26.

26. This is the amount that Robert Ball expected to earn from his lecturing activity in the 1890s, matching the amount of his salary as Astronomer Royal. His flat fees for public lectures varied between £25 and £40. Lightman, “Lecturing in the Spatial Economy of Science,” 101, 102; see also Jones, “Sir Robert Ball.”

27. Although attention is often drawn to the involvement of academics in publishing work as a complement to their income, already in the early nineteenth and well into the twentieth century, a thorough study of the economic value of this activity is still lacking. Brock, “The Spectrum of Patronage,” 191, 192; and Bowler, “Experts and Publishers.”

28. In fact, the appointment of professors with a background in engineering practice remained a solution often adopted in Britain as elsewhere, and well into the interwar period.

29. Vernon, “Leveson Francis Vernon-Harcourt”; Gibb, “Sir Alexander Blackie William Kennedy”; Arapostathis, “Electrical Innovations, Authority and Consulting Expertise.”

30. Walker, The Life and Work of William Cawthorne Unwin.

31. Allen and MacDowell, Osborne Reynolds and Engineering Science Today.

32. “David Sing Capper, 1864–1926”; Inglis, “William Ernest Dalby”; “The Late Professor John Goodman”; and Lea, “Professor E. G. Coker.”

33. Fleming had been a consultant of the English Edison Electric Light Company and of the Edison & Swan Electric Light Company. Fleming, Memories of a Scientific Life. Hopkinson was a consultant of the English Edison Electric Light Company, British Edison Company, Mather & Platt (the manufacturers of Edison dynamos in Britain), and of several municipal electricity power and distribution systems; Arapostathis, “Dynamos, Tests, and Consulting.” On Kapp’s engineering practice see Tucker, Gisbert Kapp; and on Wilson see J. K. C. –S, “Professor Ernest Wilson.” The importance of practical experience as a qualification for the appointment of electrical engineering professors in the German Technische Hoschulen is one of the themes highlighted in König, “Science-based Industry or Industry-based Science?” 82–4.

34. Edward Ayrton, professor of electrical engineering at the Central Institution stated that his salary before accepting a teaching job was £1,800; Gay, “Association and Practice,” 394.

35. Data from Education Department, Reports from University Colleges published in 1894, 1898 and 1900. Their chairs were in receipt of special grants, most notably from the City of London Livery Companies; however the money was used for the payments of assistants.

36. Education Department, Reports from University Colleges, 1898: 161–92 and 166–7.

37. “Telegraph Wires of the Forth Bridge.” The Electrical Engineer 5 (1890): 123.

38. ‘Cambridge.’ The Electrical Engineer, 5 (1890): 501. Fleming was particularly successful in the emerging power engineering sector; after the investigation he carried out for the London Electric Supply Corporation on the causes of an accident at Sebastian de Ferranti’s Deptford plant, his expert advice was much sought after by electric supply companies. Hong, “Forging Scientific Electrical Engineering.”

39. Hong, “Styles and Credits in Early Radio Engineering.”

40. Vernon, “Leveson Francis Vernon-Harcourt,” 134.

41. Thompson, letter to Lewis Boyd Sebastian, 4.2.1906, London Metropolitan Archive, CLC/211/MS21868/024.

42. Adams, Niagara Power. The American physicist Henry Rowland, one of the advisers to the company, in 1894 was paid £1,850 for his service. Sweetnam, The Command of Light, 66.

43. Foster, “William Grylls Adams;” and Fison, “George Carey Foster.”

44. Fox and Guagnini, Laboratories, Workshops and Sites.

45. “Electricity, Oil and Gas.” The Engineer, 60 (1885): 148. Trinity House was the private corporation in charge of navigational aids for England and Wales, including the provision and maintenance of lighthouses.

46. His entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography indicates that on his death Foster’s wealth amounted to £66.155 – more than well established ‘consulting professors’ like Fleming and Vernon-Harcourt. Gooday and Hempstead, “Foster, George Carey.” Of course this might have been the result of inherited wealth, investments, or other forms of income unspecified in his biographies.

47. The Physical Laboratories of the University of Manchester, 12–19.

48. Schuster, Biographical Fragments. On his organizational and administrative skills see Simpson, “Sir Arthur Schuster”, and Kargon, Science in Victorian Manchester, 220–34.

49. Golan, Laws of Men and Laws of Nature; and Arapostathis and Gooday, Patently Contestable.

50. B. Hopkinson, “Memoir,” xxxviii. See also E. Hopkinson, The story of a Mid-Victorian Girl. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928. 44, 45.

51. Ewing, An Engineer’s Outlook, xviii; Ewing, The Man of Room, 128, 129.

52. He appeared in the witness box on occasion of the Post Office v. Edison Telephone Company litigation of 1880, as one of the scientific experts who supported the latter along with Thomson, Hopkinson, Fleming, George G. Stokes (professor of mathematics, Cambridge) and John Tyndall (professor of natural philosophy at the Royal Institution). Strutt, R.J., Life of John William Strutt.

53. Golan, Laws of Men and Laws of Nature, 81.

54. The attitudes and practices of scientists, including academic scientists, towards intellectual property and priority are discussed in the collection of essays edited by MacLeod and Radick, Owning and Disowning Invention: Intellectual Property and Identity in the Technosciences in Britain. In particular, Ayrton, Fleming, Lodge, Thomson and Thompson are among the professors/patentees examined in Araposthatis and Gooday, Patently Contestable.

55. Trainer, in ‘The Patents of William Thomson’, states that the total number of Thomson’s patents was 70. In reality, the total number of applications submitted to the patent Office was 74, but 11 of them were either not completed or abandoned.

56. “Henry Robinson.” Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Memoirs, 1 (1915): 438–9; “Henry Robinson, 1837–1915.” Minutes of the Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers, Obituaries, 200 (1915): 471–2; Lea, “Ernest George Coker”; Jessop, “Ernest George Coker.”

57. Burstall took out 18 patents relating to gas engines and the method of extracting tar and other by-products from gases, one of them jointly with the British Pure Fuel Ltd of Burton on Trent. As a consultant, he tested and looked after the large gas engines at Messrs. Newton Chambers, near Sheffield, and also took part in the experiments for the extraction of benzole at a number of collieries in South Derbyshire. ‘Prof. H. F.W. Burstall.’

58. The extension of patents to other countries is another obvious indicator of the potential commercial value that academic patentees attributed to their inventions. However this is an aspect of the survey that remains to be carried out.

59. Cattermole and Wolfe, Horace Darwin’s Shop.

60. Callendar, a Cambridge graduate, was for three years one of the assistants of the Director of the Cavendish Laboratory, J. J. Thomson. During that period he designed and patented a platinum resistance thermometer. In 1888 he was appointed professor of physics at the Royal Holloway College, Egham, and then at McGill University, Montreal. He returned to Britain in 1902 as professor of physics at the Royal College of Science, London. Reif-Acherman,‘Between Thermodynamics and Thermometry.’ Ewing graduated in engineering at Edinburgh University and collaborated with William Thomson and Fleeming Jenkin in their telegraphic work. He was professor of engineering at the Imperial University, Tokyo and University College Dundee, and from 1890 at Cambridge University.

61. ‘In the Matter of Hopkinson’s Patent, July 15th and December 16th 1896’, in Cutler, ed. Report of Patent, Design and Trade Marks, 5–10.

62. Hopkinson, “Memoir,” xlvii.

63. Ibid., xlvii.

64. Gooday and Arapostathis, Patently Contestable, 148.

65. ‘In the High Court of Justice, Queen’s Bench Division, February 25 April 10 1897. Hookham v. Johnson’s,’ in Cutler, ed. Reports of Patent, Design, Trade Marks, 525–63, 546.

66. The firm, created in 1866, worked for public as well as private clients, among them all the main British railway companies. Smith, “David. Kirkaldy (1820–1897),” 49–65.

67. Cookson and Hempstead, A Victorian Scientist and Engineer. The firm was Gordon & Liddell, of which Lewis Gordon, professor of engineering at the University of Glasgow in 1840–55 and a friend of William Thomson, was senior partner.

68. In 1865 they were joined by a third partner, Cromwell Fleetwood Varley, another telegraphy expert and patentee, and the company became Thomson, Varley & Jenkin.

69. In 1881 the firm received several thousand pounds from companies such as the Anglo-American Telegraph Company and the Eastern Telegraph Company. Smith and Wise, Energy and Empire, especially Chapter 20, “Measurement and Marketing: The Economics of Electricity,” 684–722.

70. Clarke, Morrison-Low and Simpson, Brass and Glass, 252–75.

71. He soon left London for the engineering chair of the University of Edinburgh, which he held from 1866 to 1885. Cookson and Hempstead, A Victorian Scientist and Engineer.

72. His stipend in the late 1870s was approximately £600 (£400 fixed stipend, the rest from fees).

73. Ferndale, “Telpherage in Practical Use.”

74. Graeme Gooday, The Morals of Measurement, 161, 162.

75. His intensive practice as consulting engineer is mentioned in Smeal Thompson and H. G. Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, 210.

76. The company was to give Thompson 1,000 fully paid shares of £5 each for the patents, and £200 per year as a director of the company. ‘New Telephone Company.’ The Telegraph Journal and Electrical Review 15 (1884): 439; and ‘New Telephone Company.’ The Telegraph Journal and Electrical Review 16 (1885): 451.

77. Thompson’s commercial interests are mentioned in the secondary literature, and discussed in more depth in Gooday and Araposthatis, Patently Contestable, 102–6; however a detailed story of this enterprise remains to be written.

78. Henry Etzkowitz, “Entrepreneurial Scientists and Entrepreneurial Universities,” 205.

79. On Lodge’s scientific work see Hunt, The Maxwellians.

80. Lodge, Past Years, 174–7.

81. Davis to Lodge, 2 September 1898; and Davis to Marconi, 31 October 1898, Bodleian Library, MS. Marconi 416.

82. “Lodge Muirhead Wireless and General Telegraphy Syndicate.” The Electrical Review 49 (1901): 27. During his tenure as principal of the University of Birmingham Lodge continued his patenting activity in collaboration with a personal assistant, Edward Robinson.

83. The agreement included the appointment of Lodge as consultant to the Marconi Wireless Telegraph Co. for seven years and an annual payment of £1,000; it included also a seven year contract with Muirhead for the supply of products, the payment amounting to £12,000 per year. Deeds of assignment of Lodge’s patents, Bodleian Library, MS. Marconi 412 and Papers relating to Lodge patents and disputes, Bodleian Library, MS. Marconi 416. See also Rowland and Wilson, Oliver Lodge and the Invention of Radio.

84. Lodge, Past years, 175; and Noakes, “Industrial Research at the Eastern Telegraph Company.”

85. Two patents were filed in 1912, jointly with his son Lionel (N° 29,268 ‘Improvements in and relating to the obtaining of unidirectional high tension discharges’; and N° 29,269 ‘Improvements in and relating to high tension insulation’) and one in 1919 (N° 152,051 ‘Improvements relating to the electrical deposition of particles from gases’). The company was managed by Lionel. After an uphill start, also due to the war, the company was reorganized in 1919 as the Lodge Fume Co. Three years later an agreement with the International Precipitation Corporation of Los Angeles led to the formation of Lodge-Cottrell Ltd. Wilson, “The Technological Heritage,” 188–91.

86. Patent N° 2162, 1903, “Improvements relating to electrical ignition apparatus.”

87. In 1919 the firm changed its name to Lodge Sparking Plug Co. Ltd, and it enjoyed considerable technological and economic success. Wilson, “The Technological Heritage,” 188–91. See also Hill, Letters from Sir Oliver Lodge, 47.

88. French, “Archibald Barr,” 31.

89. French, “Prof. W. Stroud;” and Stroud, Apologia pro Vita Mea.

90. Moss and Russell, Range and Vision.

91. In the period from 1888 and 1892 they spent £742 on obtaining patent rights in Britain, France, Germany and other European countries and manufacturing the prototypes. Moss and Russell, Range and vision, 23, 24. Barr obtained some financial support from relatives; Stroud for his part managed to raise some money by undertaking popular lecturing in the Leeds area, for which he was paid on average £3 per lecture. Stroud, Apologia pro Vita Mea, 39, 40.

92. Unfortunately the Oxford Dictionary of National Biographies, which provides information on the wealth at death of all its entries, does not have as yet a record for Stroud.

93. Guy, “H. S. Hele-Shaw.”

94. In his biographical notes, Joseph Larmor mentions some consulting work carried out by James Thomson during his tenure of the engineering chair at Queen’s College, Belfast, but no such information is provided for the period at Glasgow University. Larmor, “Biographical Sketch.”

95. Whitehead, “Andrew Gray.”

96. Reynolds filed seven patents, and for one of them paid the ninth year renewal fee. However his biographies do not mention any involvement in the commercialization of his patents, nor in consulting work. Allen and MacDowell, Osborne Reynolds; Jackson, “Osborne Reynolds.” As for Petavel, he held the professorship of engineering for a short period, from 1908 to 1914; during the war he was chairman of the Aerodynamics Advisory Committee, and abandoned his teaching position when he became Director of the National Physical Laboratory. Robertson, “Joseph Henry Petavel.”

97. For example, the research that Fleming carried out in on the blackening of lamp bulbs, which led to the invention of the diode, was made possible by the assistance of the technical staff of the Edison Swan Lamp Company. Fleming, Memoirs of a Scientific Life, 141.

98. Royal Commission Appointed to Consider Draft Chapter for Proposed Gresham University in London, Rep. 1893–4 [C. 7259] Minutes of Evidence 1894 [C. 7425] [C. 7425-I] XXXIV (London: HMSO, 1894) Questions 15,085, 636, 637; and 15,145, 641.

99. Ibid. Question 14,991, 632.

100. On Ayrton and Perry see Gooday, “Teaching Telegraphy and Electrotechnics”. On Kennedy and Unwin see Fox and Guagnini, Laboratories, Workshops and Sites, 101–3.

101. Gooday and Araposthatis, Patently Contestable.

102. MacLeod, “Reluctant Entrepreneurs,” 328–39; and by the same author, Heroes of Invention, especially Chapter 12, “Science and the Disappearing Inventor,” 351–82.

103. Stroud, Apologia pro Vita Mea, 37, 38.

104. Fleming, Memories of a Scientific Life, especially Chaper 5, “University Professor and Electrical Consultant,” 99–125.

105. Stroud, Apologia pro Vita Mea.

106. I refer here, for example, to Hopkinson’s son, Bertram, as the author of the ‘Memoir’ published in the two volumes collection of his father’s essays, Original Papers of the late John Hopkinson; to the biography written by Thompson’s daughters, Silvanus Phillips Thompson; and to Lodge’s autobiography, Past Years.

107. Thompson, The Life of William Thomson.

108. Lodge, Signalling Without Wires, 51.

109. This aspect of Kennedy’s attitude is highlighted by Araposthatis, ‘Electrical Innovations, Authority and Consulting Expertise,’ 4. That said, after leaving the chair even Kennedy filed a provisional application for air compressing apparatus (Patent N° 15,806, 1889); however he abandoned it before submitting the final specification and never applied again.

110. Moss and Russell, Range and Vision, 29.

111. Oakley, A History of the Faculty of Engineering at Glasgow University, 16, 17, 25–7.

112. In 1893 Fleming obtained £800 from donors, among them Ludwig Mond; and in 1896 his efforts to improve the laboratory facilities received the support of £5,000 from the committee established in order to create a memorial for Sir John Pender, the first director of the Atlantic Cable Company. Althow the endowement was rather meagre, it allowed to create the Pender Electrical Laboratory.

113. Smith and Wise, Energy & Empire, 705.

114. Education Department, Reports from University Colleges, 1894 (C. – 7459; HMSO, London 1894) 134–7. On the other hand, it should be pointed out that when in 1893 an extension of the Cavendish Laboratory was planned, J. J. Thomson made available £2,000, accumulated from the fees of the students and originally intended for the provision of more apparatus; further £ 2,000, again from the same source, was offered in 1906 for a further extension of the building. Thomson, A History of the Cavendish Laboratory, 9 and 11. In 1906, Lord Rayleigh, offered £5,000, the greater part of the proceeds from his Nobel Prize, as a contribution towards the building of a new wing of the Cavendish Laboratory. Ibid., 10.

115. “Should Professors Practice?”, (Editorial), Electrical Review, 17 (1885): 188.

116. Golan, Laws of Men and Laws of Nature, 126–30.

117. It was not uncommon for British academic to provide endorsement of industrial products, in advertisements and in articles. I have not been able to find sharp criticism of this practice similar to what has been pointed out by Joris Mercelis in his contribution to this special issue. However it would be certainly worthwhile pursuing this line of inquiry.

118. Stroud, Apologia pro Vita Mea, 40.

119. Cambridge University and College Statutes, 49.

120. Gay, “Association and Practice,” 388.

121. Thompson, Letter to John Watney, 18.2.1889, London Metropolitan Archive, CLC/211/Ms21868/022. The loss of income due to the prevention from engaging more extensively in professional practice was one of the issues raised in a letter addressed to the Secretary of the City & Guilds of London Institute, in which he complained about salary of the teaching staff of the Technical College, Finsbury. Few months later he was awarded an increase which brought his salary to a total of £900. Thompson, letter to Lewis Boyd Sebastian, 4.2.1906, Ibid., CLC/211/MS21868/024.

122. University of Manchester Archive, Minutes of Council Committees, 1899–1901 OCA 11/ 2/ 2, 65, 66.

123. Tucker, Gisbert Kapp, 21–3.

124. For a long-term study of the dynamics of ‘focal areas’ for academic patenting see Kaataja, “University Researchers Contributing to Technology Markets.”

125. By then all the colleges I examined here had achieved university status.