Land use, physical deterioration, resident-based control, and calls for service on urban streetblocks

Using data collected from an inner-city Philadelphia neighborhood, we explore street block-level relationships between land use, physical deterioration, resident-based control, and calls for police service. We hypothesize that land use is a key factor influencing both resident-based control and physical deterioration and that these, in turn, are related to calls for service. Analyses show that the presence of storefronts is the strongest determinant of calls for service for crime and noncrime problems. Physical deterioration and resident-based control are less influential. In accord with our hypotheses, land use influences resident-based control and deterioration. It appears that land use and physical deterioration influence different aspects of resident-based informal control. Also, not all dimensions of resident-based control relate to police activity. Results underscore the importance of clarifying which specific dimensions of land use, deterioration, and resident-based control influence crime-related outcomes.

Portions of an earlier version of this paper were presented at the annual meetings of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, held in Boston in March, 1995. Data were gathered under a grant from the Eisenhower Foundation to the Temple University Center for Public Policy; Jack Greene was principal investigator. The third author was supported by Grants 93-IJ-CX-0022 and 94-IJ-CX-0018 from the National Institute of Justice. Points of view expressed here represent neither the opinions nor official policies of the National Institute of Justice of the Department of Justice. We appreciate helpful comments from Edem Avakame on earlier copies of the manuscript.

Portions of an earlier version of this paper were presented at the annual meetings of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, held in Boston in March, 1995. Data were gathered under a grant from the Eisenhower Foundation to the Temple University Center for Public Policy; Jack Greene was principal investigator. The third author was supported by Grants 93-IJ-CX-0022 and 94-IJ-CX-0018 from the National Institute of Justice. Points of view expressed here represent neither the opinions nor official policies of the National Institute of Justice of the Department of Justice. We appreciate helpful comments from Edem Avakame on earlier copies of the manuscript.

Notes

Portions of an earlier version of this paper were presented at the annual meetings of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, held in Boston in March, 1995. Data were gathered under a grant from the Eisenhower Foundation to the Temple University Center for Public Policy; Jack Greene was principal investigator. The third author was supported by Grants 93-IJ-CX-0022 and 94-IJ-CX-0018 from the National Institute of Justice. Points of view expressed here represent neither the opinions nor official policies of the National Institute of Justice of the Department of Justice. We appreciate helpful comments from Edem Avakame on earlier copies of the manuscript.