Managing His Aspirations: The Labour and Republican Politics of Paddy Devlin

Abstract

This article explores the diverging Labour and republican politics of Paddy Devlin. It argues Devlin downplays his Irish republican past, especially in his autobiography, in favour of a Labour profile he retrospectively regards as preferable. It assesses different phases of his career, from the Northern Ireland Labour Party and the Social Democratic and Labour Party, to the time of the 1981 hunger strikes and pronouncements beyond. The article contends that Devlin's militant background and proximity to conflict, particularly during the Troubles, moulds a protean and complex realpolitik persona, often accommodating both unionism and militant republicanism. Devlin's individualist credo is compared with other figures throughout the political spectrum. While this piece demonstrates how and why Devlin steers clear of re-embracing physical force methods, it nonetheless highlights the way it is impossible to ignore the republican impulse of his upbringing and how Devlin's political journey is frequently, though not always, determined by emotional and personal ties.

Keywords:

• Irish republicanism
• Labour movement
• political violence
• autobiography

Notes

In Before the Dawn Adams (2001: 198) describes Devlin taking him through British Army checkpoints during talks with the British government but neglects to mention – as both Straight Left and Devlin's wife attest – his staying overnight with Dáithí Ó Conaill in Devlin's house on special release from prison (Theresa Devlin, interview with the author, 19 September 2009).

Devlin and Fitt may both have represented ‘honest-to-God working-class leaders, not intellectual blow-ins’ in Don Akenson's (1994: 345) memorable phrase, but closer examination reveals this Labour pact to be a dubious alliance. Devlin was a ‘more cerebral socialist’ than Fitt (Patterson, 2006: 235; Currie, 2004: 205–206; Martin Dillon, correspondence with the author, 6 August 2010) and his main supporter in the Party was actually the one Protestant in the founding rump – Ivan Cooper (Theresa Devlin, interview with the author, 19 September 2009). In fact, Fitt proposed withdrawing the whip from Devlin and did not back him, unlike Cooper, when he was expelled from the Party in the autumn of 1977 (Currie, 2004: 306). Thus, while Devlin's critique of Hume is well-established, there was a serious level of competitiveness and personal friction between the Labour men – stretching back to Devlin's victory over Fitt in the 1956 municipal by-election for the Falls Ward – which is often passed over (for some redress, see Hayes, 1995: 165; Irish News, 29 December 2005; Murphy, 2007: 161, 257–259, 351, 361). Neither is Devlin's political relationship with Hume as simple as he liked to present. Devlin projected their division (Northern Ireland: A Role for the United States?, 1979: 128; Murray, 1998: 66–67), but trusted Hume enough to get him to write the foreword to his first book, The Fall of the N.I. Executive (Devlin, 1975), and the two men were always the SDLP's chief mediators whenever it came to talking to the paramilitaries (Moloney, 2002: 405).

‘Paddy Giro’ was another loyalist-bestowed sobriquet (William ‘Plum’ Smith, interview with the author, 4 March 2011). Future UDA leader Jackie MacDonald also recalled: ‘We were out of work but we got them all the same. That was thanks to Paddy Devlin on the Executive, who authorized payments through employers. I remember going in to one of my bosses wearing UDA combat kit and he stood up at his desk to salute me before he handed over my giro’ (Wood, 2006: 41).

Draft notes for use in Straight Left entitled ‘Some activities in late 1974’ (Devlin, n.d.c) reveal Devlin contemplated mentioning his work in getting the Price Sisters, Dolours and Marian, repatriated to a Northern Irish prison: ‘7/6/74 After five meetings including one at 10 Downing Street it was announced that the Price Sisters and other republican prisoners on hungerstrike were to go off in return for promises made to me on their transfer’. This information fails to make the cut of his autobiography.

Paddy Kennedy (1943–1999) became leader of Republican Labour when Gerry Fitt left to front the SDLP in 1970. Prominent in civil rights agitation, particularly in 1969, like Devlin he was heavily involved in the work of the Central Citizens' Defence Committee and was one of the three signatories to the Clones Bank of Ireland account, a secret fund set up by the Southern government to allocate relief to the Northern Catholic minority (Dillon, 1991: 15–16; O'Brien, 2000: 71; Clifford, 2009: 300). Unlike Devlin he rejected the chance to join the SDLP and in 1971 introduced the IRA veteran and subsequent Provisional figurehead Joe Cahill at a Belfast press conference. After failing to be elected to the Assembly in 1973, he left to train as a barrister in Dublin.

Martin McBirney (1922–1974), a Protestant married to a Catholic, was one-time Chairman of the NILP, a key member of the Northern Irish branch of the Society of Labour Lawyers, and a friend of both Louis MacNeice and Sam Thompson. He was shot dead at his Belmont Road home by the Provisionals on 16 September 1974.

Richard Needham (b. 1942) was considered ‘wet’ on Europe and trade unions, but was perhaps best known for being overheard saying he thought it was about time his own Party leader – the ‘cow’ – Margaret Thatcher should resign.

The Provisional IRA would go on to assassinate the young Ulster Unionist Edgar Graham outside the library at Queen's University Belfast, where he lectured in Law, in December 1983 (Godson, 2004: 74–79).

This positive relationship was probably smoothed by Faulkner's newly acquired ‘wet’ inclinations, not dissimilar to a British Tory such as Ted Heath.

Faulkner died on 3 March 1977 following injuries sustained in a horse-riding accident.

Similarly fatuous allegations of ‘communism’ were later levelled at Devlin by nationalists like Seamus Mallon during his time in the SDLP (Theresa Devlin, interview with the author, 19 September 2009).

Access to the personal library of Paddy Devlin granted to the author by kind permission of Theresa Devlin.

One NILP figure who did get involved in the civil rights campaign found himself in the same holding cell as the future Provisional IRA stalwart Martin Meehan after a civil rights march had descended into violence (Erskine Holmes, interview with the author, 10 August 2010).