Revitalising Singapore's Central City through Gentrification: The Role of Waterfront Housing

Abstract

Global cities in the post-Fordist and digital era require the support of specialised services and functions as global city competition accelerates and intensifies. Young and professional gentrifiers are key providers of such services highly concentrated in financial districts. Since the 1980s, gentrification has also aimed to enhance liveability and accessibility to a better quality of life with landscaping and greenery provisions. Since the 1960s, the Central Area of Singapore has eliminated its dualistic character and slums, and has transformed itself into a modern business district skyline. However, the early emphasis had neglected a ‘balanced’ commercial cum residential setting, leading to a largely deserted downtown after office hours. The post-1990 policy to regenerate the downtown core of Singapore is embryonic but has strong governmental support. The success or failure in making Singapore a leading position in the global city competition will much rely on the outcome of gentrification, including the integrated resort programme in the new Central Business District—the waterfront Marina South. The article analyses gentrification efforts undertaken by key world cities and their limited success. From a theoretical perspective and international practical experience, the future of Singapore's revitalisation programme is intricately investigated. Determinant variables are multiple, inter alia, ‘centrality’ values in attracting talent in different areas of expertise, international capital in high-value operations, recreational and cultural input, quality housing and state-of-the-art entrepreneurship in global linkages.

Keywords:

• Gentrification
• central business district
• global city
• waterfront housing
• specialised services

Notes

1. In Singapore's engagement in global competition, two categories of participants are recognised: (a) the key players from the public and private enterprises whose representatives come primarily from the more prestigious private housing estates; and (b) the public housing residents who make up more than 80 per cent of the population. These are predominantly heartlanders who are grassroots and more attached to local soil and sentiments (see Wong, 2005).

2. In the 1970s, Newcastle was faced with serious worker layoffs, mine closures and failing performance in the garment and textile and maritime sectors.

3. Most shophouses were two- or three-storeys high. The first floor was used for retail or wholesale business and the second and third floors were for residential use. Often, families would lease one room and share the kitchen and bathroom with other families.

4. Land acquisition act was revised in 1966 to empower the government with greater rigour to acquire private lands for public interests and development purposes. Compensation rates were set by the government at values based on physical and business conditions before renewal.

5. Landed properties comprised one- to two-storey bungalows, semi-detached, terrace houses, and those traditional attap (roof material made of coconut leaves) and zinc-roofed houses.

6. The Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) was established in 1974 as a separate institution to redevelop and resettle affected residents in the Central Area. In 1989, the URA merged with the Planning Department of the Ministry of National Development to become the new URA—the land use planning and conservation authority of the whole Republic.