Gated communities as spatial manifestations of moral differentiation and competition: an example from Istanbul, Turkey

ABSTRACT

Gated communities have received significant attention in academic debates. Despite this, there is a lack of studies on differentiation and tensions between them. This paper analyses differentiation between gated communities by adopting the theory of “symbolic boundaries” [Lamont, M., 1992. Money, morals, and manners: the culture of the French and American upper-middle class. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press]. It uses the data collected from fieldwork in two gated communities in Istanbul, Turkey, comprising semi-structured in-depth interviews with residents. First, the paper contributes to Lamont's “symbolic boundaries” [Lamont, M., 1992. Money, morals, and manners: the culture of the French and American upper-middle class. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press] by showing that morality is not independent from socio-economic context, but indicates the legitimate values of a given social context. This is shown in residents’ use of moral boundaries such as a law-abiding lifestyle, legitimate sources of capital accumulation and the existence of warmer relations with each other. Second, the paper contributes to the study of gated communities by demonstrating that they can be regarded as spatial manifestations of the division within the upper classes which results from competition for deserved status.

KEYWORDS:

• Gated communities
• symbolic boundaries
• moral spaces
• Istanbul
• Turkey

Acknowledgements

The paper is based on Ph.D. research titled “An Exploration of Two Gated Communities in Istanbul”, completed in Lancaster University, Department of Sociology. I am grateful to the residents in Istanbul Istanbul and Kasaba and to the gatekeepers, professionals and local experts who gave valuable information for the two case studies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor

Basak Tanulku is an independent scholar residing in Istanbul, Turkey.

Notes

1. In the paper, the terms “new middle classes” and “upper-middle classes” are used interchangeably.

2. “Suitcase trade” is a term to describe unregulated trade between mainly Russia and Turkey. The main location in Istanbul for this is Laleli, a traditional inner-city district known for its commercial and financial activities. The commodities sold are carried in suitcases and because of that the trade is named as “suitcase trade”.

3. Despite the data having been collected mainly between 2005 and 2007, there have not been many subsequent changes in Gokturk and Omerli. In addition, Istanbul Istanbul and Kasaba's demographic profiles and their perceived status among other gated communities in the overall region of Gokturk and Omerli have not changed. This was also confirmed by the manager of Istanbul Istanbul during a site visit in April 2014. Kasaba's manager and another high-ranking manager in Koray Construction Company echoed this in the summer of 2014, through an email correspondence. However, an important change is expected due to the massive transformation of the north of Istanbul as a whole, due to the construction of the Third Bosporus Bridge. It will radically alter the topography, housing stock, demography and flora and fauna of the region. After its completion, the region will have an increase in the number of various housing developments which will lead to increasing density and declining green areas, ironically an important reason leading people to move to gated communities far from the city centre. Its completion date was given as 2015 on the project's website, but it is still under construction (Third Bosporus Bridge's website 2015).

4. In a research study, Nisantasi is described as a high-status neighbourhood of Istanbul, since it was initially inhabited by Ottoman aristocracy and later Republican elites (Maggonul 2005). This study on Nisantasi looks at the relation between social origin and place of residence. In this study, several participants who were long-term inhabitants of Nisantasi described themselves as “someone who belongs to Nisantasi born and raised” (Maggonul 2005, p. 77). In this research, several of them explained that the newly built gated communities were not real neighbourhoods but trendy and temporary ghettos, in contrast to Nisantasi which was regarded as a real neighbourhood, with a past and present (Maggonul 2005).

5. Ibrahim Tatlises is an arabesque music singer who can be regarded as a celebrity and cultural icon. He became a popular performer in the 1980s and later on, started businesses in different sectors, such as restaurant management. For cultural elitists, he can be regarded as someone damaging Turkish culture.

6. Similar results were also demonstrated in different research studies conducted in Bahcesehir, a gated community in Istanbul. Both Danis (2001) and Kurtulus (2005a) argue that there are tensions inside Bahcesehir between residents coming from different social origins and having different professions. Kurtulus (2005a) showed that Bahcesehir consisted of people from different cultural backgrounds, and that some residents disregarded other residents who were perceived to have a lower cultural status and engaged in illegal activities. These residents explained that cultural differences were more important than economic ones for them when establishing or avoiding relations inside their communities.

7. The residents in Istanbul Istanbul and Kasaba did not refer to a religious morality, but to a morality associated with capitalist socio-economic rationale. These results are similar to Doguc's (2005) and Ayata's (2002) research findings which explain that the upper or new middle classes in Turkey differentiate themselves from Islamic people who favour a more religious and/or conservative way of life.

8. The paper also demonstrates that there is similarity between “moral boundaries” (Lamont 1992), “symbolic capital” (Bourdieu 1984) and “social honour” (Weber 1963).