The transmission of the Black Death to western Europe: a critical review of the existing evidence

Abstract

In 1347 the Black Death was introduced from the north-eastern coast of the Black Sea and the Sea of Asov towards southern and western Europe, where it then spread dramatically. A report by the Italian chronicler Gabriel de Mussis of the siege of Caffa (1345–47) is often credited as describing an early deployment of a “biological weapon”, thus triggering the “Black Death” in western Europe. He reports that Mongol troops threw plague victims into the city with catapults, thus contaminating the inhabitants. However, re-evaluation of historical, biological and epidemiological data indicates that the spread of the disease was probably an inevitable consequence of the intense trade relations along the coasts of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Therefore, the alleged catapulting of infected corpses would rather have been a marginal contribution to the diffusion of the disease (if it took place at all). The infection was subsequently spread by refugee ships via ports at Constantinople and along the Mediterranean trading routes and harbours towards Genoa, Marseille and Venice, thus initiating the Plague in Europe. The further propagation of the disease inland is still a matter of controversial discussions. However, epidemiological data indicate that the most essential animal vector for further distribution of the plague in central and northern Europe was probably the human louse (Pediculus humanis), instead of the oriental (or tropical) rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis).

Keywords:

• Black Death
• contagion
• 1347
• louse
• Caffa
• plague
• de Mussis

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank W. Blasi (emerit.), G. Carosio (Galata Museo del Mare, Genoa), M. Muigg (IWF, Ministry of the Interior), and E. Szameit (Dept. of Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology, Vienna University) for their valuable advice.

Notes

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4. Henschel, “Document zur Geschichte”, 45–57.

5. Tononi, “La Peste dell’Anno”, 139–52.

6. Cf. Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 4–6.

7. Henschel, see n. 4, translation from Horrox, The Black Death, 17.

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10. Cf. Wheelis, see n. 1.

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13. Cohn, “The Black Death and the Burning”, 3–36.

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31. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab as-Suluk, cited from Benedictow, see ns. 3, 63.

32. Tsiamis, see n. 30.

33. Benedictow, see n. 3; Tsiamis, see n. 30; Benedictow, What Disease was the Plague, 2.

34. Gasquet, see n. 6.

35. Simond, see n. 21.

36. Twigg; Scott and Duncan; Duncan and Scott; and Cohn – see n. 27 for all; Welford and Bossak, “Body Lice, Yersinia pestis”, 1649; for a detailed discussion see Benedictow, see n. 33.

37. Drancourt et al., “Detection of 400-year-old”, 12, 637–40; Raoult et al., “Molecular Identification”, 12, 800–3; also Green, see n. 9; for data on the plague of Justinian, see also Wagner et al. “Yersinia pestis and the Plague”, 319–26.

38. Haensch et al., “Distinct Clones of Yersinia pestis”, 1–8; Williamson and Oyston, “The Natural History”, 911–18; Cui et al. “Historical Variations in Mutation Rate”, 577–82; Green and Schmid, see n. 9; Seifert et al., see n. 9.

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40. Cohn, see n. 11; Hufthammer and Walløe, “Rats Cannot have Been”, 1752–9.

41. Burroughs; Gage and Kosoy, see n. 22 for both.

42. See also Bolton; see n. 9.

43. Raoult and Roux, “The Body Louse”, 888–911.

44. Houhamdi et al., “Experimental Model to Evaluate”, 1589–96; Ayyadurai et al., “Body Lice, Yersinia pestis”, 892–3; see also Drancourt and Raoult, “Body Lice and Yersinia pestis”, 1650.

45. Piarroux et al., “Plague Epidemics and Lice”, 505–6.

46. Green, see n. 9.

47. Casadevall and Pirofski, “The Weapon Potential”, 259–63; Ditrich, see n. 2.

48. Cf. Eitzen and Takafuji, see n. 1; Thalassinou et al., “Biological Warfare Plan”, 2148–53; Barras and Greub, see n. 11.

49. Cf. Gasquet, see n. 6; Dols, see n. 12; 57–60.

50. DeWitte, “Setting the Stage”, 441–51.