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Research Article

Alienation or Cooperation? British Muslims’ Attitudes to and Engagement in Counter-Terrorism and Counter-Extremism

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ABSTRACT

The dominant academic narrative portrays British Muslim communities as alienated by counter-terrorism policies and consequently reluctant to cooperate with authorities by taking action against Islamist extremism. This article reassesses and nuances the “alienation narrative” with the use of unique data from three robust surveys of British Muslims. It finds that although a minority shows signs of alienation, most British Muslims are satisfied with and trust counter-terrorism policies as well as the government and the police. The level of willingness to take action against Islamist extremism is also high. The study confirms that aspects of alienation correlate with reduced willingness to take action against Islamist extremism, although they do not necessarily lead to disengagement.

Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to Lasse Lindekilde and Thomas Olesen, both Professors at the Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, for their valuable comments.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. In the UK, and in this study, counter-terrorism is understood as any activity aimed at preventing terrorism, while counter-extremism addresses “all the broader harms that extremism can cause, not just where it may lead to terrorism” (HM Government, 2018, see note 3 below, 23). Extremism is then defined as a “vocal or active opposition to fundamental British values, including democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs” (HM Government, 2015, see note 13 below, 9).

2. Imran Awan, Keith Spiller, and Andrew Whiting,Terrorism in the Classroom: Security, Surveillance and a Public Duty to Act (Cham: Palgrave, 2019).

3. HM Government, CONTEST: The United Kingdom’s Strategy for Countering Terrorism (London, UK: HMSO, 2018), 23.

4. Tahir Abbas and Imran Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism,” International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 3 (2015): 16–29; Imran Awan, “Muslim Communities, Conflict and Terrorism: A Study of Alum Rock,” Safer Communities 11, no. 4 (2012): 195–204; Adrian Cherney and Kristina Murphy, “What Does It Mean to Be a Moderate Muslim in the War on Terror? Muslim Interpretations and Reactions,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 9, no. 2 (2016), 159–81; Tufyal Choudhury and Helen Fenwick, “The Impact of Counter-Terrorism Measures on Muslim Communities,” International Review of Law, Computers & Technology 25, no. 3 (2011): 151–81; Mary Hickman, Lyn Thomas, Sara Silvestri, and Henri Nickels, “Suspect Communities?” Counter-Terrorism Policy, the Press, and the Impact on Irish and Muslim Communities in Britain (London, UK: London Metropolitan University, 2011); Gabe Mythen, Sandra Walklate, and Fatima Khan, “‘Why Should We Have to Prove We’re Alright?’: Counter-Terrorism, Risk and Partial Securities,” Sociology 47, no. 2 (2013): 383–98; Francesco Ragazzi, “Suspect Community or Suspect Category? The Impact of Counter-Terrorism as ‘Policed Multiculturalism’,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 42, no. 5 (2016): 724–41; and Joel D. Taylor, “‘Suspect Categories,’ Alienation and Counterterrorism: Critically Assessing PREVENT in the UK,” Terrorism and Political Violence (2018): 1–23.

5. Marie Breen-Smyth, “Theorizing the ‘Suspect Community’: Counterterrorism, Security Practices and the Public Imagination,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 7, no. 2 (2014): 223–40; Hickman, Thomas, Silvestri, and Nickels, ‘Suspect Communities?’ Counter-Terrorism Policy, the Press, and the Impact on Irish and Muslim Communities in Britain (see note 4 above); Gabe Mythen, “‘No One Speaks for Us’: Security Policy, Suspected Communities and the Problem of Voice,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 5, no. 3 (2012): 409–24; Christina Pantazis and Simon Pemberton, “From the ‘Old’ to the ‘New’ Suspect Community: Examining the Impacts of Recent UK Counter-Terrorist Legislation,” British Journal of Criminology 49, no. 5 (2009): 646–66.

6. Mythen, “‘No One Speaks for Us’: Security Policy, Suspected Communities and the Problem of Voice” (see note 5 above), 418.

7. Pantazis and Pemberton, “From the ‘Old’ to the ‘New’ Suspect Community: Examining the Impacts of Recent UK Counter-Terrorist Legislation” (see note 5 above), 660.

8. Breen-Smyth, “Theorizing the ‘Suspect Community’: Counterterrorism, Security Practices and the Public Imagination” (see note 5 above), 223.

9. Abbas and Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism” (see note 4 above), 18; and David Parker, Julia M. Pearce, Lasse Lindekilde, and Brooke Rogers, “Challenges for Effective Counterterrorism Communication: Practitioner Insights and Policy Implications for Preventing Radicalization, Disrupting Attack Planning, and Mitigating Terrorist Attacks,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 42, no. 3 (2017): 264–91, 277.

10. Abbas and Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism” (see note 4 above); Martin Innes, Laurence Abbott, Trudy Lowe, and Colin Roberts, Hearts and Minds and Eyes and Ears: Reducing Radicalization Risks through Reassurance-Oriented Policing (Cardiff, UK: Universities’ Police Science Institute, Cardiff University, 2007); Taylor, “‘Suspect Categories,’ Alienation and Counterterrorism: Critically Assessing PREVENT in the UK” (see note 4 above); Paul Thomas, “Prevent and Community Cohesion in Britain: The Worst of All Possible Worlds?” in Counter-Radicalization: Critical Perspectives, edited by Christopher Baker-Beall, Charlotte Heath-Kelly, and Lee Jarvis (London, UK: Routledge, 2014); Paul Thomas, “Changing Experiences of Responsibilisation and Contestation within Counter-Terrorism Policies: The British Prevent Experience,” Policy & Politics 45, no. 3 (2017): 305–21; and Paul Thomas, “The Perception of Counter-Radicalisation by Young People,” in “De-radicalisation”. Scientific Insights for Policy, edited by Lore Colaert (Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2017).

11. BBC, “Muslims ‘Must Root out Extremism,” July 4, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/5144438.stm (accessed February 10, 2019).

12. Nasreen Suleaman, “Police Chief Calls on Communities,” BBC, January 24, 2007, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/6296789.stm (accessed February 10, 2019).

13. HM Government, Counter-Extremism Strategy (London, UK: HMSO, 2015), 31; HM Government, Building a Strong Britain Together: Guidance for Applicants (London, UK: HMSO, 2016), 2; HM Government, CONTEST: The United Kingdom’s Strategy for Countering Terrorism (London, UK: HMSO, 2018), 33; Krzysztof F. Sliwinski, “Counter-Terrorism – A Comprehensive Approach. Social Mobilisation and ‘Civilianisation’ of Security: The Case of the United Kingdom,” European Security 22, no. 3 (2013): 288–306; Basia Spalek, Terror Crime Prevention with Communities (London, UK: Bloomsbury, 2013); and Thomas, “Changing Experiences of Responsibilisation and Contestation within Counter-Terrorism Policies: The British Prevent Experience” (see note 10 above).

14. Rahsaan Maxwell, “Trust in Government among British Muslims: The Importance of Migration Status,” Political Behavior 32, no. 1 (2010): 89–109.

15. Julian Hargreaves, “Half a Story? Missing Perspectives in the Criminological Accounts of British Muslim Communities, Crime and the Criminal Justice System,” The British Journal of Criminology 55, no. 1 (2015): 19–38.

16. Nicole Martin, “Are British Muslims Alienated from Mainstream Politics by Islamophobia and British Foreign Policy?” Ethnicities 17, no. 3 (2017): 350–70.

17. Sadi Shanaah, “What Motivates Muslims to Engage in Counter-Extremism? The Role of Identity, Efficacy, Emotions and Morality,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism (2019): 1–21; and Sadi Shanaah, “Demobilizing or Activating? The Effect of Anti-Muslim Discrimination on Muslims’ Counter-Extremism Engagement,” under review.

18. Choudhury and Fenwick, “The Impact of Counter-Terrorism Measures on Muslim Communities” (see note 4 above, 151–81); Logan Macnair and Richard Frank, “Voices Against Extremism: A Case Study of a Community-Based CVE Counter-Narrative Campaign,” Journal for Deradicalization 10 (2017): 147–74; and Lorenzo Vidino and James Brandon, “Europe’s Experience in Countering Radicalisation: Approaches and Challenges,” Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 7, no. 2 (2012): 163–79.

19. Phil Edwards, “How (Not) to Create Ex-Terrorists: Prevent as Ideological Warfare,” in Counter-Radicalisation: Critical Perspectives, edited by Christopher Baker-Beall, Charlotte Heath-Kelly, and Lee Jarvis (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2014), 54–70; and John Gearson, and Hugo Rosemont, “CONTEST as Strategy: Reassessing Britain’s Counterterrorism Approach,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38, no. 12 (2015): 1038–64.

20. Stefano Bonino, “Prevent-ing Muslimness in Britain: The Normalisation of Exceptional Measures to Combat Terrorism,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 33, no. 3 (2013): 385–400.

21. Abbas and Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism” (see note 4 above), 20.

22. Victoria Brittain, “Besieged in Britain,” Race & Class 50, no. 3 (2009): 1–29; Adrian Cherney and Jason Hartley, “Community Engagement to Tackle Terrorism and Violent Extremism: Challenges, Tensions and Pitfalls,” Policing and Society 27, no. 7 (2017): 750–63; Adrian Cherney and Kristina Murphy, “Being a ‘Suspect Community’ in a post 9/11 World – The Impact of the War on Terror on Muslim Communities in Australia,” Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 49, no. 4 (2016): 480–96; and Alpa Parmar, “Stop and Search in London: Counter-Terrorist or Counter-Productive?” Policing and Society 21, no. 4 (2011): 369–82.

23. Leda Blackwood, Nick Hopkins, and Steve Reicher, “Turning the Analytic Gaze on ‘Us’,” European Psychologist 18, no. 4 (2013): 245–52; Arun Kundnani, The Muslims are Coming!: Islamophobia, Extremism, and the Domestic War on Terror (London, UK: Verso Books, 2014); and Mythen, Walklate, and Khan, “‘Why Should We Have to Prove We’re Alright?’: Counter-Terrorism, Risk and Partial Securities” (see note 4 above).

24. Leda Blackwood, Nick Hopkins, and Stephen David Reicher, “‘Flying While Muslim’: Citizenship and Misrecognition in the Airport,” Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 2 (2015); Leda Blackwood, “Policing Airport Spaces: The Muslim Experience of Scrutiny,” Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 9, no. 3 (2015): 255–64; and Leda Blackwood, Nick Hopkins, and Stephen David Reicher, “I Know Who I Am, But Who Do They Think I Am? Muslim Perspectives on Encounters with Airport Authorities,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 36, no. 6 (2013): 1090–108.

25. Blackwood, Hopkins, and Reicher, “I Know Who I Am, But Who Do They Think I Am? Muslim Perspectives on Encounters with Airport Authorities” (see note 24 above), 1101.

26. Blackwood, Hopkins, and Reicher, “I Know Who I Am, But Who Do They Think I Am? Muslim Perspectives on Encounters with Airport Authorities” (see note 24 above); and Leda Blackwood, Nick Hopkins, and Stephen David Reicher, “From Theorizing Radicalization to Surveillance Practices: Muslims in the Cross Hairs of Scrutiny,” Political Psychology 37, no. 5 (2016): 597–612.

27. Blackwood, Hopkins and Reicher, “From Theorizing Radicalization to Surveillance Practices: Muslims in the Cross Hairs of Scrutiny” (see note 26 above).

28. Benjamin Ward, Without Suspicion: Stop and Search under the Terrorism Act 2000, Human Rights Watch (2010); and Parmar, “Stop and Search in London: Counter-Terrorist or Counter-Productive?” (see note 22 above).

29. Karen Bullock and Paul Johnson, “Police Egagement with Muslim Communities: Breaking out, Breaking in, and Breaking Through,” Policing and Society 28, no. 8 (2018): 879–97, 884.

30. Awan, “Muslim Communities, Conflict and Terrorism: A Study of Alum Rock” (see note 4 above); Bullock and Johnson, “Police Engagement with Muslim Communities: Breaking out, Breaking in, and Breaking through” (see note 29 above); Mythen, “‘No One Speaks for Us’: Security Policy, Suspected Communities and the Problem of Voice” (see note 5 above); and Taylor, “‘Suspect Categories,’ Alienation and Counterterrorism: Critically Assessing PREVENT in the UK” (see note 4 above).

31. Cherney and Hartley, “Community Engagement to Tackle Terrorism and Violent Extremism: Challenges, Tensions and Pitfalls” (see note 22 above).

32. Abbas and Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism” (see note 4 above).

33. Bonino, “Prevent-ing Muslimness in Britain: The Normalisation of Exceptional Measures to Combat Terrorism” (see note 20 above).

34. Ibid.

35. Stefano Bonino, “The British State ‘Security Syndrome’ and Muslim Diversity: Challenges for Liberal Democracy in the Age of Terror,” Contemporary Islam 10, no. 2 (2016): 223–47.

36. Matthew Millings, “Policing British Asian Identities: The Enduring Role of the Police in Young British Asian Men’s Situated Negotiation of Identity and Belonging,” British Journal of Criminology 53, no. 6 (2013): 1075–92; Mythen, “‘No One Speaks for Us’: Security Policy, Suspected Communities and the Problem of Voice” (see note 5 above); Gabe Mythen, Steve Walklate, and Fatima Khan, “‘I’m a Muslim, but I’m not a Terrorist’: Victimization, Risky Identities and the Performance of Safety,” The British Journal of Criminology 49, no. 6 (2009): 736–54; and Basia Spalek and Robert Lambert, “Muslim Communities, Counter-Terrorism and Counter-Radicalisation: A Critically Reflective Approach to Engagement,” International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 36, no. 4, (2008): 257–70.

37. Choudhury and Fenwick, “The Impact of Counter-Terrorism Measures on Muslim Communities” (see note 4 above); Derek McGhee, End of Multiculturalism: Terrorism, Integration and Human Rights (Maidenhead, UK: McGraw-Hill Education, 2008); and Thomas, “The Perception of Counter-Radicalisation by Young People” (see note 10 above).

38. Thomas, “The Perception of Counter-Radicalisation by Young People” (see note 10 above), 127.

39. Abbas and Awan, “Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and Its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism” (see note 4 above).

40. See e.g., Awan, “Muslim Communities, Conflict and Terrorism: A Study of Alum Rock” (see note 4 above).

41. See e.g., Parmar, “Stop and Search in London: Counter-Terrorist or Counter-Productive?” (see note 22 above).

42. See e.g., Mythen, Walklate, and Khan, “‘Why Should We Have to Prove We’re Alright?’: Counter-Terrorism, Risk and Partial Securities” (see note 4 above).

43. Basia Spalek, “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to ‘New Terrorism’,” Politics & Policy 38, no. 4 (2010): 789–815, 799.

44. Julian Hargreaves, “Police Stop and Search Within British Muslim Communities: Evidence From the Crime Survey 2006–11,” The British Journal of Criminology 58, no.6 (2018), 1281–302; Martin Innes, Colin Roberts, Helen Innes, Trudy Lowe, and Suraj Lakhani, Assessing the Effects of Prevent Policing: A Report to the Association of Chief Police Officers (Cardiff, UK: Universities’ Police Science Institute, Cardiff University, 2011).

45. Justin Gest, Apart: Alienated and Engaged Muslims in the West (London, UK: C. Hurst & Co., 2010); and Julian Hargreaves, “Risk and Resilience in British Muslim Communities,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 39, no. 14 (2016): 2601–20.

46. Martin, “Are British Muslims Alienated from Mainstream Politics by Islamophobia and British Foreign Policy?” (see note 16 above).

47. Maxwell, “Trust in Government among British Muslims: The Importance of Migration Status” (see note 14 above).

48. Stephne Vertigans, “British Muslims and the UK Government’s ‘War on Terror’ within: Evidence of a Clash of Civilizations or Emergent De‐Civilizing Processes?” The British Journal of Sociology 61, no. 1 (2010): 26–44, 30.

49. Taylor, “‘Suspect Categories,’ Alienation and Counterterrorism: Critically Assessing PREVENT in the UK” (see note 4 above).

50. Ibid., 15.

51. Innes, Roberts, Lowe, and Abbott, Hearts and Minds and Eyes and Ears: Reducing Radicalization Risks through Reassurance-Oriented Policing (see note 10 above).

52. Innes, Roberts, Innes, Lowe, and Lakhani, Assessing the Effects of Prevent Policing: A Report to the Association of Chief Police Officers (see note 44 above).

53. Thomas, “The Perception of Counter-Radicalisation by Young People” (see note 10 above), 120.

54. Cherney and Murphy, “What Does It Mean to Be a Moderate Muslim in the War on Terror? Muslim Interpretations and Reactions” (see note 4 above), 161.

55. Breen-Smyth, “Theorizing the ‘Suspect Community’: Counterterrorism, Security Practices and the Public Imagination” (see note 5 above); Cherney and Hartley, “Community Engagement to Tackle Terrorism and Violent Extremism: Challenges, Tensions and Pitfalls” (see note 22 above); Cherney and Murphy, “What Does It Mean to Be a Moderate Muslim in the War on Terror? Muslim Interpretations and Reactions” (see note 4 above); Jonathan Githens‐Mazer and Robert Lambert, “Why Conventional Wisdom on Radicalization Fails: The Persistence of a Failed Discourse,” International Affairs 86, no. 4 (2010): 889–901; and Basia Spalek, “Community Engagement for Counterterrorism in Britain: An Exploration of the Role of ‘Connectors’ in Countering Takfiri Jihadist Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 37, no. 10 (2014): 825–41.

56. Michele Grossman, “Disenchantments: Counterterror Narratives and Conviviality,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 7, no. 3 (2014): 319–35.

57. Ibid., 327.

58. Ragazzi, “Suspect Community or Suspect Category? The Impact of Counter-Terrorism as ‘Policed Multiculturalism’” (see note 4 above), 732.

59. Therese O’Toole, Daniel N. DeHanas, Tariq Modood, Nasar Meer, and Stephen H. Jones, Taking Part: Muslim Participation in Contemporary Governance Report (Bristol, UK: University of Bristol, 2013); Therese O’Toole, Nasar Meer, Daniel N. DeHanas, Stephne H. Jones, and Tariq Modood, “Governing through Prevent? Regulation and Contested Practice in State–Muslim Engagement,” Sociology 50, no. 1 (2016): 160–177; and Thomas, “Changing Experiences of Responsibilisation and Contestation within Counter-Terrorism Policies: The British Prevent Experience” (see note 10 above).

60. Cherney and Hartley, “Community Engagement to Tackle Terrorism and Violent Extremism: Challenges, Tensions and Pitfalls” (see note 22 above), 753.

61. Aziz Z. Huq, Tom R. Tyler, and Stephne J. Schulhofer, “Mechanisms for Eliciting Cooperation in Counterterrorism Policing: Evidence from the United Kingdom,” Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 8, no. 4 (2011): 728–61; and Tom R. Tyler, Stephen J. Schulhofer, and Aziz Z. Huq, “Legitimacy and Deterrence Effects in Counterterrorism Policing: A Study of Muslim Americans,” Law & Society Review 44, no. 2 (2010): 365–402.

62. Adrian Cherney and Kristina Murphy, “Police and Community Cooperation in Counterterrorism: Evidence and Insights from Australia,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 12 (2017): 1023–37.

63. Paul Thomas, Michele Grossman, Shamim Miah, and Kris Christmann, Community Reporting Thresholds: Sharing Information with Authorities Concerning Violent Extremist Activity and Involvement in Foreign Conflict: A UK Replication Study (Lancaster, UK: Center for Research and Evidence on Security Threats, 2017).

64. Sadi Shanaah and Lasse Lindekilde, “Standing up and Speaking Out? British Muslims’ Collective Action against Islamist Extremism,” Democracy and Security (2019): 1–22.

65. Shanaah, “Demobilizing or Activating? The Effect of Anti-Muslim Discrimination on Muslims’ Counter-Extremism Engagement” (see note 17 above).

66. The technical report on the data collection of the UK Citizenship Survey 2010–2011 can be found here: http://doc.ukdataservice.ac.uk/doc/7111/mrdoc/pdf/7111_technical_report.pdf.

67. Maxwell, “Trust in Government among British Muslims: The Importance of Migration Status” (see note 14 above).

68. Edelman, “Annual Edelman Trust Barometer 2018,” (2018), Retrieved from: https://www.edelman.co.uk/research/edelman-trust-barometer-2018-uk-findings.

69. Trust in the police was measured as a binary variable, where 0 corresponds to the responses “not very much” and “not at all,” and 1 to the responses “a fair amount” or “a lot.”

70. Ipsos MORI, A Review of Survey Research on Muslims in Britain (London, UK: Ipsos MORI Social Research Institute, 2018).

71. Maria Sobolewska, “Religious Extremism in Britain and British Muslims: Threatened Citizenship and the Role of Religion,” in The New Extremism in 21st Century Britain, edited by Roger Eatwell and Matthew J. Goodwin (London, UK: Routledge), 41–64.

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73. Stephen J. Kraus, “Attitudes and the Prediction of Behavior: A Meta-Analysis of the Empirical Literature,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 21, no. 1 (1995): 58–75; and Thomas L. Webb and Paschal Sheeran, “Does Changing Behavioral Intentions Engender Behavior Change? A Meta-Analysis of the Experimental Evidence,” Psychological Bulletin 132, no. 2 (2006): 249–68.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Aarhus Universitets Forskningsfond [AUFF-E-2015-FLS-8-3].

Notes on contributors

Sadi Shanaah

Sadi Shanaah has recently completed his PhD research project on Muslims' engagement in counter-extremism at the Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, Denmark. At the Department, he was a member of the Research Unit on Radicalization and Prevention of Extremism (RURPE). He holds an M.Phil. diploma in Contemporary European Studies from University of Cambridge, Pembroke College, UK.

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