The EU and the Gulf monarchies: normative power Europe in search of a strategy for engagement

Abstract

The Persian Gulf region is of strategic importance to the European Union (EU). Yet, different political realities of authoritarian government in the Gulf challenge crucial parts of EU foreign policy that are based on normative power Europe concepts. Cooperation with the ruling dynasties appears beneficial for EU decision-makers if one looks at the comprehensive agenda of common interests in the Gulf region. In 2004, the EU aimed to build a strategic partnership with the Mediterranean and the Middle East; in this the EU emphasized its commitment to advancing its partnership with the Gulf countries. Yet, from the perspective of 2012 the results are bleak. Despite some signs of improvement in deepening the political, economic and security interactions with the region, there is still no concerted EU policy in the Gulf beyond the thriving bilateral activities of some EU member states. The events of the Arab Spring have increased the challenges even further. The EU, on the one hand, is trying to support forces of liberal and democratic reform in some neighbouring countries. On the other hand, it seeks close partnerships with authoritarian family dynasties in those Gulf countries in which a democratic opening is not around the corner. This article suggests an alternative explanation for this dichotomy. While there is an inherent tension between the EU's reformist agenda and its own interests, whether security or trade interests, this article argues that much of the EU's relationship with the Gulf countries can be explained through a misperception of the specific settings of government in the region. Despite a substantial agenda of interests on both sides in areas such as trade, energy, regional security, terrorism and irregular migration, the EU's foreign policy outputs remain rather limited.

Notes

¹ The southern Mediterranean encompasses all littoral states in the Mediterranean that are not EU member states. In particular, this article refers to the Arab Mediterranean countries of North Africa and the Levant when using the term ‘southern Mediterranean’.

² Despite varying categories of statehood such as emirate, sultanate, federation or monarchy, the Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE and Oman) all share one common denominator in their practice of dynastic rule. That is why the authors of this article place these diverse forms of dynastic rule in one distinct category of Gulf monarchies (see Herb 1999).

³ As given in the EU Treaty, in particular Chapter V, Article 11(1); for more on this topic, see also Pace (2007b, 659–675).

⁴ The GCC was founded in 1981 as a regional integration model for six Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE and Oman). Yemen has applied for full membership in the GCC. Initially, in 1981, it was the GCC's objective to confront security challenges collectively (Iranian Revolution, 1979; Iran–Iraq War, 1980–1988).

⁵ This section refers to arguments first developed in Demmelhuber (2011).

⁶ Many Gulf citizens said in interviews with the authors that they felt in ‘internal exile’ (author's interviews, UAE, March 2009).

⁷Majlis may be understood as a socio-political practice in traditional, kin-based organizational structures, which implies an open meeting in which a member of the royal family hosts lower-ranking members of his community (for example associated families or tribal groups). Traditionally it was the only possible way to get in direct touch with the ruler, to complain or to simply ask for financial assistance. The ruling family derived the autonomous legitimacy and power monopoly from this traditional form of responsible interaction between the ruler and the ruled (see Bosworth et al 1986, vol 5, 1031–1082).

⁸Shura stands for ‘consultation’ and it is believed to be the method by which the pre-Islamic Arabian tribes selected leaders and made major decisions. Thereafter, mentioned twice in the Qur'an, it was used as a consultative mechanism during the history of the Islamic empires (see Bosworth et al 1986, vol 9, 504–506).

⁹ The diwaniya is a Kuwaiti tradition in which men gather weekly in a private home to discuss issues ranging from politics to culture and sports. Compared with majlis it is a more regular, casual and informal gathering place for families and tribes.

¹⁰ See for instance the latest divisions over the future site of the GCC Central Bank (Pantin 2009).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Thomas Demmelhuber

Thomas Demmelhuber is W1-Professor for Political Science at the University of Hildesheim. From 2008 to 2012 he was a lecturer in Middle East politics at the University of Erlangen–Nürnberg. In 2011 he was a visiting professor at Cairo University (Faculty of Economics and Political Science). His PhD on EU–Egyptian relations was awarded with the German Middle East Studies Association's dissertation prize for best PhD in Middle Eastern studies in 2008. His monograph entitled EU-Mittelmeerpolitik und der Reformprozess in Ägypten was published by Nomos in 2009. With Holger Albrecht (American University in Cairo) he co-edited a book on Egypt in light of the Arab Spring (Nomos, 2013). In his current research Demmelhuber is working on political and social change in the Gulf monarchies with a special focus on the role of traditional modes of rule and interaction. Email: [email protected]

Christian Kaunert

Christian Kaunert is Jean Monnet Professor in EU Justice and Home Affairs, as well as Professor of International Politics at the University of Dundee. He was previously a senior lecturer at the University of Dundee, Marie Curie Senior Research Fellow at the European University Institute Florence, and Senior Lecturer in EU Politics and International Relations, University of Salford. He has received a prestigious Marie Curie Career Integration Grant (2012–2016). He has previously been the editor of the Journal of Contemporary European Research, on the Executive Committee of the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES) and an expert for the European Parliament. He is also on the editorial board of Perspectives on European Politics and Society. Professor Kaunert has researched and taught in other international departments, in Aberystwyth (Wales), the Free University of Brussels (2004, UACES Research Fellow) and Maastricht, and been a guest professor in Barcelona, Turin, Moscow, Yerevan (United Nations Development Programme mission), Cairo and Jinan. His research has a clear focus on the global security role of the EU, and he is the author of several articles as well as the monograph European internal security: towards supranational governance published by Manchester University Press (2010). Email: [email protected]