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Notes
1 A recent profile goes so far as to call the South China Morning Post ‘the world’s most important newspaper’ because ‘as the main English-language outlet in a strategically important city—its coverage plays an outsize role in shaping international understanding of events not just in Hong Kong but across the border in China, as well.’ Timothy McLaughlin, ‘A newsroom at the edge of autocracy,’ The Atlantic (1 August 2020): https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2020/08/scmp-hong-kong-china-media/614719/. It is worth noting, though, that the Post is owned by Alibaba, a Chinese tech giant that has ties (like nearly all mainland businesses) to the CCP. See David Barboza, ‘Alibaba buying South China Morning Post, aiming to influence media,’ The New York Times (11 December 2015):
https://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/12/business/dealbook/alibaba-scmp-south-china-morning-post.html.
2 For the Post’s coverage of the legislation, see https://www.scmp.com/topics/hong-kong-national-security-law-nsl.
3 In May, even before the national security legislation took effect and largely as a result of the year-long protest movement, the US Department of State ‘decertified’ Hong Kong as enjoying a high degree of autonomy from China. This opens the door to revoking the privileges that Hong Kong has enjoyed, in terms of trade and travel, with the US since 1997. See Carol Morello, ‘Pompeo declares Hong Kong no longer autonomous from China,’ The Washington Post (27 May 2020): https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/pompeo-declares-hong-kong-no-longer-autonomous-from-china/2020/05/27/2773096c-a036-11ea-9d96-c3f7c755fd6e_story.html.
4 Fernando Cheung, ‘Why did Hong Kong delay its election—by a year?’, The New York Times (2 August 2020): https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/02/opinion/hong-kong-election-china.html.
5 Of the section’s four chapters, the first focuses on Sino-US relations and how high-profile Hong Kong democrats have found bipartisan support in Washington; the second, on the controversy in China over a pro-protest tweet from a general manager in the National Basketball Association, which serves as a microcosm of Beijing’s growing influence over MNCs; the third, on the transnational linkages fostered between Hong Kongers and youth-led anti-establishment movements overseas; and the fourth, on the ramifications of the protests for Singapore, widely expected to benefit as international companies and capital leave Hong Kong for safer harbours.
6 Major themes include: the politics of transnational protests—see, eg, Niesen Citation2019; and Ekiert et al 2020; comparative political and legal theory—see, eg, Nathan Citation2020; and El Kholi and Kwak (eds) 2019; and the role of regional and sub-national actors in East Asian IR more generally—see, eg, Foot and Goh Citation2019.
7 See, eg, Bennett and Checkel (eds) 2015).
8 For a recent study, see Hayton Citation2020.
9 See, also, Wu Citation2020.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
John Brake
John Brake is Editor in Chief of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs and a PhD candidate in Politics and International Studies at the University of Cambridge. A recipient of a Marshall Scholarship to study in the UK, he completed his master’s in international affairs at Tsinghua University in Beijing as a Schwarzman Scholar. His research interests encompass US and Chinese foreign policy and the politics of rule-following in international relations. Email: [email protected]