The role and example of Chilean and Argentinian Mothers in democratisation

Abstract

This paper explores the development issue of democratisation from a gendered perspective, emphasising the need to look for the building blocks of democracy within civil society sectors where women play a key role. Chilean and Argentinian women prove an important example for sustainable political development through their roles as Mothers, particularly in the 1980s in the movements to protest against political disappearances. The author seeks to demonstrate how these women's practical endeavours have made them an indispensable ingredient in the achievement of real democratic development at the grassroots level, and how they serve as a model for policymakers in developing countries elsewhere.

Notes

Here, civil society refers to the sphere loosely located between the individual and state where groups and organisations work in concert with one another peacefully, and with some level of tolerance carry out activities, whether practical or strategic, to enhance the human condition.

I use the term ‘Mothers’ when referring to the mothers who organised themselves in Latin America to bring just and democratic governments to their countries.

The term ‘disappeared’, translated from desaparecido, acquired use as a noun and a passive verb in the 1970s to refer to civilians who were abducted and vanished by military regimes in Latin America. ‘Disappearance’ was used for the first time to describe the government practice of snatching people off street corners, out of cafés, or dragging them from their homes, in most cases never to be seen again (Agosin 1987). The systematic and forced disappearance of political opponents was first practised in Latin America in the early 1960s in Haiti, Brazil, and Guatemala (Bellucci 1999).

In analysing women's civil society groups in the developing world, Molyneux (1985) made a distinction between ‘practical’ and ‘strategic’ interests, which Moser (1991) expanded on as ‘practical’ and ‘strategic’ gender needs. Practical interests or goals are usually responses to immediate needs, such as seeking easier access to clean water, affordable medical services, adequate housing, or reliable day‐care facilities. Examples of actions geared to address strategic interests or needs would include seeking to change laws that discriminate against women, the attainment of formal political equality, and access to birth control. Groups of women formed around practical interests or needs are often termed feminine, while groups that are objective oriented are termed feminist.

Machismo emphasises a division of functions, capabilities, and qualities between male and female and in so doing confirms the superiority of the male. Machismo is defined as exaggerating male aggressiveness, especially sexual aggression toward women. Marianismo is equally prevalent in Latin American countries and is the belief in the spiritual and moral superiority of the female in relation to the male. The most prevalent aspect of marianismo is the idea of sacrifice.

The term ‘transition’ is defined by O'Donnell as ‘the interval between one political regime and another’ (1992:6).

Allende's new government coalition was made up of his Socialist Party, the Communists, a section of the Radical Party, the Christian left (MAPU), and some smaller leftist organisations. His election in September 1970 was contested violently by the extreme right, which assassinated General René Schneider, commander‐in‐chief of the Chilean armed forces, in an attempt to destabilise the polity and provoke a military coup.

Allende refused to resign and go into exile, and instead committed suicide at the presidential palace of La Moneda.

The Pro‐Paz committee was set up originally to meet the needs of parishioners. The committee expanded as needs grew and priests took a stance, together with committed lawyers, against the Junta to help the family members of the detained and disappeared.

However, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo had splintered into two groups in 1986.

These are the makers of arpilleras, which means ‘burlap’ in Spanish, used as wall hangings with figures superimposed on the cloth to create scenes.

The arpilleras contain figures immersed in daily life under military repression. Certain themes recur, such as disappearance, hunger, torture, and the wounded family. Sometimes natural scenes would be made to say that there is hope.

Bouvard (1994) describes a meeting the Mothers had in a poor neighbourhood close to Buenos Aires with a committee that sought to improve the living conditions of people living in poverty. The Mothers explained they could teach them how to fight for their interests. Though the committee members at first responded that the Mothers could not know the dynamics of their struggles, they soon found themselves in a crisis and followed the Mothers' suggestions by marching to the city hall every day until they received some help. They confirmed the Mothers' example.

It must be noted, however, that the Mothers in Argentina had first sought help from several human rights organisations, such as the League of Human Rights, the Permanent Assembly on Human Rights, and the Center for Legal and Social Studies. These efforts initially proved unfruitful, so the Mothers were really the first to go out and look for their disappeared children.

Networking is a form of democratic practice in which trust, co‐dependence, and cooperation are combined. For more on the concept see Singerman (1995).

The assessment of 13 members was made in 1994. See Agosin (1987).

Through constitutional means, the Pinochet regime ensured the protection of an institutional framework that left the armed forces in a privileged political position and guaranteed that Chileans would enjoy only limited democracy. Thus, Chile has experienced a more limited transition to democracy.

The achievements of the Chilean Mothers' struggle for justice for the disappeared are only today becoming evident. Pinochet's arrest in 1998, via an Interpol warrant and an agreement between Spain and Britain under European anti‐terrorism legislation, was made possible through this international solidarity.

See, for example, Derechos—Human Rights (2002) and Amnesty International Annual Reports available at www.amnesty.org.

A Colombian member of the organisation, Elizabeth Cañas Cano, was the last reported victim, shot dead in 2000.