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Original Articles

Political Culture and the Legacy of Socialism in Unified Germany

 

Abstract

Almost a quarter of a century after German unification, studies continue to uncover pervasive attachments to socialism in the former East. While these attachments have been a recurrent feature in analyses of political culture, surprisingly little is known about their sources. This article systematically explores the socio-political foundations of socialist values, by subjecting two theoretical perspectives to empirical testing. Political socialisation perspectives attribute these values to generationally based political identities that were forged in the pre-1989 era. Political economy perspectives, by contrast, stress how they have been reinforced by negative post-1989 evaluations of politics and materialism. Logistic regression analyses of ALLBUS data from 1991 to 2010 test nine hypotheses at the individual level, with the results confirming the following. First, there is evidence of an age-based structure to the foundations of socialist values: younger easterners are less likely to value socialism, but the evidence of this has emerged only recently. Second, equally important drivers of these values are support for parties on the left of the political spectrum and ideological self-placement. Third, economic factors have been selective and inconsistent predictors of socialist values. Overall, the research underscores the stability of socialist values in the German context, but argues that these values remain compatible with a political culture that is supportive of the democratic framework of unified Germany.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ross Campbell is Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the University of the West of Scotland in the United Kingdom. Having obtained a PhD from the University of Strathclyde, he was post-doctoral fellow at the WZB (Social Science Center, Berlin), where he researched the nature, structure and trajectory of mass attitudes towards democracy. More recently, his research interests have broadened to include the changing repertoire of citizens’ political participation and the structure of political inequality. His recent publications have appeared in European Journal of Political Research, West European Politics, International Political Science Review and German Politics.

Notes

1. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company, 1963).

2. See, for example, Sidney Verba, ‘The Remaking of German Political Culture', in Lucian W. Pye and Sidney Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp.130–71; David P. Conradt, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, in Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989), pp.229–30; David P. Conradt, ‘West Germany: A Remade Political Culture? Some Evidence from Survey Archives’, Comparative Political Studies, 7/2 (1974), pp.222–38.

3. Robert Rohrschneider, Learning Democracy: Democratic and Economic Values in Unified Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).

4. On the optimistic side, the studies by Weil and Dalton are cases in point. See Frederick Weil, ‘The Development of Democratic Attitudes in Eastern and Western Germany in Comparative Perspective’, in F. Weil (ed.), Research on Democracy and Society, Democratization in Eastern and Western Europe (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1993), and Russell J. Dalton, ‘Communists and Democrats: Democratic Attitudes in the Two Germanies', British Journal of Political Science 24/4 (1994), pp.469–94. On the more sober interpretation, see Oscar Gabriel, ‘Demokratische Einstellungen in einem Land ohne demokratische Traditionen? Die Unterstützung der Demokratie in den neuen Bundesländern im Ost-West-Vergleich', in Jürgen Falter, Oscar Gabriel and Hans Rattinger (eds), Wirklich ein Volk? Die politischen Orientierungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen im Vergleich (Opladen: Leske +Budrich, 2000), pp.41–77.

5. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, ‘The German Revolution: The Historic Experiment of the Division and Unification of a Nation as Reflected in Survey Research Findings', International Journal of Public Opinion Research 3/3 (1991), pp.238–59; Petra Bauer, ‘Politische Orientierungen im Übergang. Eine Analyse politischer Einstellungen der Bürger in West- und Ostdeutschland 1990/1991', Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 43 (1991), pp.433–53; Michael Minkenberg, ‘The Wall after the Wall: On the Continuing Division of Germany and the Remaking of Political Culture', Comparative Politics 26/1 (1993), pp.53–68; Max Kaase, ‘Consensus, Conflict and Democracy in Germany', German Politics 6/2 (1997), pp.1–28.

6. Ross Campbell, ‘Socialist Values and Political Participation: A Barrier to “Inner Unity”?’, West European Politics 34/2 (2011), pp.362–83.

7. Dieter Fuchs, ‘The Democratic Culture of Unified Germany’, in P. Norris (ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.123–45.

8. Weil, ‘The Development of Democratic Attitudes.

9. Rohrschneider, Learning Democracy, p.82.

10. Dalton, ‘Communists and Democrats’.

11. Richard I. Hofferbert and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, ‘Democracy and Its Discontents in Post-Wall Germany', International Political Science Review 22/4 (2001), pp.363–78.

12. Ross Campbell, ‘Values, Trust and Democracy in Germany: Still in Search of “Inner Unity”', European Journal of Political Research 51/3 (2012), pp.646–70.

13. Russell J. Dalton and Steven Weldon, ‘Germans Divided? Political Culture in a United Germany', German Politics 19/1 (2010), p.18.

14. Katja Neller and Isabel S. Thaidigsmann, ‘Das Vertretenheitsgefühl der Ostdeutschen durch die PDS: DDR-Nostalgie und andere Erklärungsfaktoren im Vergleich', Politische Vierteljahresschrift 43/3 (2002), pp.420–44.

15. Steven Finkel, Stan Humphries and Karl-Dieter Opp, ‘Socialist Values and the Development of Democratic Support in the Former East Germany’, International Political Science Review 22/4 (2001), pp.339–61.

16. Harry H. Eckstein, Division and Cohesion in Democracy: A study of Norway (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966).

17. Elinor Scarbrough and Jan Van Deth, ‘The Concept of Values', in J.W. Van Deth and E. Scarbrough (eds), The Impact of Values (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp.21–47.

18. Heiner Meulemann, ‘Value Changes in Germany after Unification: 1990–1995', German Politics 6/1 (1997): 122–39.

19. Helmut Wiesenthal, ‘Post-Unification Dissatisfaction, or Why Are So Many East Germans Unhappy with the New Political System?’, German Politics 7/2 (1998), pp.1–30.

20. Carston Zelle, ‘Socialist Heritage or Current Unemployment: Why Do the Evaluations of Democracy and Socialism Differ between East and West Germans?’, German Politics 8/1 (1999), pp.1–20.

21. Kai Arzheimer, Politikverdrossenheit: Bedeutung, Verwendung und Empirische Relevanz Eines Politikwissenschaftlichen Begriffs (Berlin: VS Verlag, 2002).

22. William Mishler and Richard Rose, ‘Generation, Age and Time: The Dynamics of Political Learning during Russia's Transformation', American Journal of Political Science 51/4 (2007), pp.822–34.

23. Robert Rohrschneider, ‘Cultural Transmission versus Perceptions of the Economy: The Sources of Political Elites’ Economic Values in United Germany', Comparative Political Studies 29/1 (1996), pp.78–104.

24. David P. Conradt, ‘Political Culture in Unified Germany: The First Ten Years’, German Politics and Society 20/2 (2002), pp.43–74; David P. Conradt, ‘Political Culture and Identity: The Post-Unification Search for “Inner Unity”’, in Stephen Padgett, William E. Paterson and Gordon Smith (eds), Developments in German Politics 3 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp.269–87.

25. The question asked respondents to provide their level of agreement with the statement: ‘National Socialism was a good idea only badly carried out.' See Anna J. Merritt and Richard L. Merritt, Public Opinion in Occupied Germany: The OMGUS Surveys (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1970), pp.32–3.

26. Philip E. Converse, ‘The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics', in David E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent (New York: The Free Press, 1964), p.207.

27. Milton Rokeach, The Nature of Human Values (London: Free Press, 1973).

28. Oddbjørn Knutsen, ‘Party Choice’, in Van Deth and Scarbrough (eds), The Impact of Values, pp.160–96.

29. Loek Halman, ‘Political Values’, in Russell J. Dalton and Hans-Dieter Klingemann (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Political Behaviour (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.305–22.

30. Hans Dieter Klingemann, ‘Measuring Ideological Conceptualisations', in Samuel H. Barnes and Max Kaase, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies (London: Sage, 1979), pp.218–19.

31. Harry Eckstein, Division and Cohesion in Democracy: A Study of Norway (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966).

32. Donald Searing, Gerald Wright and George Rabinowitz, ‘The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change and Political Socialisation', British Journal of Political Science 6/1 (1976), pp.83–113.

33. David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: The Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill).

34. Kent M. Jennings and Richard G. Niemi, The Political Character of Adolescence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974).

35. Donald D. Searing, Joel J. Schwartz and Alden E. Lind, ‘The Structuring Principle: Political Socialisation and Belief Systems’, The American Political Science Review 67/2 (1973), pp.415–32.

36. Russell J. Dalton, ‘Was There a Revolution? A Note on Generational vs. Life Cycle Explanations of Value Differences', Comparative Political Studies 9/1 (1977), pp.458–73.

37. Neil E. Cutler, ‘Toward a Political Generations Conception of Political Socialization’, in David C. Schwartz and Sandra K. Schwartz (eds), New Directions in Political Socialization (Florence, MA: Free Press, 1975), pp.254–88.

38. Paul R. Abramson and Ronald Inglehart, ‘Generational Replacement and Value Change in Eight West European Societies', British Journal of Political Science 22/2 (1992), pp.183–228.

39. William Mishler and Richard Rose, ‘What Are the Origins of Political Trust? Testing Institutional and Cultural Theories in Post-Communist Societies’, Comparative Political Studies 34/1 (2001), pp.30–62.

40. Allan Kornberg and Harold D. Clarke, Citizens and Community: Political Support in a Representative Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

41. Karl Marx, Capital Volume 1 (London: Penguin, 1991), p.175.

42. Verba, ‘The Remaking of German Political Culture', p.144.

43. David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1965).

44. Ronald Inglehart, The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977).

45. Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).

46. Hilde Himmelweit, Patrick Humphreys and Marianne Jaeger, How Voters Decide: A Longitudinal Study of Political Attitudes and Voting Extending over Fifteen Years (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1985).

47. Russell J. Dalton, Democratic Challenges Democratic Choices: The Erosion of Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

48. Geoffrey Evans and Stephen Whitefield, ‘The Politics and Economics of Democratic Commitment: Support for Democracy in Transition Societies', British Journal of Political Science 25/4 (1995), pp.485–514.

49. Rudolf Dennhardt, ‘Sozialisation der Jugend Lebensbedingungen und Lebensweise der DDR-Jugend', in Walter Friedrich and Hartmut Griese (eds), Jugend und Jugendforschung in der DDR: Gesellschaftspolitische Situationen, Sozialisation und Mentalitätsentwicklung in der achtziger Jahren (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1991), pp.27–34.

50. Edeltraud Roller, ‘Sozialpolitische Orientierungen nach der deutschen Vereinigung', in Oscar W. Gabriel, Politische Orientierungen und Verhaltensweisen im vereinigten Deutschland (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1997), pp.115–46.

51. Mary Fulbrook, Anatomy of a Dictatorship: Inside the GDR, 1949–1989 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).

52. Kurt R. Hesse, ‘Fernsehen und Revolution: Zum Einfluß der Westmedien auf die politische Wende in der DDR', Rundfunk und Fernsehen 38/3 (1990), pp.328–42.

53. Donald Kinder and Roderick Kiewiet, ‘Economic Discontent and Political Behavior: The Role of Personal Grievances and Collective Economic Judgments in Congressional Voting', American Journal of Political Science 23/3 (1979), pp.495–527.

54. Zelle, ‘Socialist Heritage'.

55. Carston Hefeker and Norbert Wunner, ‘Promises Made, Promises Broken: A Political Economic Perspective on German Unification', German Politics 12/1 (2003), pp.109–34.

56. In 2007, the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism) merged with the western Electoral Alternative for Social Justice (WASJ) to form the Left Party (Die Linke). The analyses draw attention to this by using PDS/Die Linke.

57. Peter Doerschler and Lee Ann Banaszak, ‘Voter Support for the German PDS over Time: Dissatisfaction, Ideology, Losers and East Identity', Electoral Studies 26/4 (2007), pp.359–70.

58. Dalton and Weldon, ‘Germans Divided? ', p.20.

59. Dieter Fuchs, ‘Welche Demokratie wollen die Deutschen? Einstellungen zur Demokratie im vereinigten Deutschland’, in Gabriel (ed.), Politische Orientierungen, pp.81–113.

60. See, for example, Ross Campbell, ‘The Sources of Institutional Trust in East and West Germany: Civic Culture or Economic Performance', German Politics 13/3 (2004), pp.401–18; Ross Campbell, ‘Winners, Losers, and the Grand Coalition: Political Satisfaction in the Federal Republic of Germany', International Political Science Review, DOI 0.1177/0192512113505246. Published online 10 December 2013.

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