Ecological citizenship: a driver of pro-environmental behaviour?

Abstract

In theory, ecological citizenship (EC) has been suggested as a driver of individual pro-environmental behaviour (PEB), providing a more stable foundation for lifestyle changes than reliance on external policy tools. The relevance of EC for explaining PEB is tested by applying data from a Swedish survey designed to capture various aspects of EC. A significant proportion of Swedes fulfil the values-based requirements of ecological citizenship, as outlined in EC-theory. Furthermore, individuals who think along the lines of EC are more likely than others to behave in an environmentally friendly manner in their day-to-day activities. Certain aspects of EC are more important for PEB than others, which implies the need for further theoretical development of EC theory.

Keywords:

• ecological citizenship
• environmental concern
• pro-environmental behaviour

Notes

^1. For critical discussions, see Schlosberg (2004), MacGregor (2005), Smith (2005), Latta (2007), Seyfang and Smith (2007), and the Hayward–Dobson debate in Environmental Politics).

^2. The lack of comprehensive empirical research is also surprising, since a range of other studies, primarily within political and environmental psychology, validate a central underpinning assumption of EC theory – that personally held systems of values and beliefs are key factors behind the individual’s acceptance of and behavioural response to sociopolitical phenomena, both in a general political context (e.g. Converse 1964, Zaller 1992) and in the specificities of the environmental domain (e.g. Stern et al. 1995, Stern 2000, Nordlund and Garvill 2002). However, these studies neither aspire nor make efforts to test the manner in which the specific ideals in EC theory affect PEB.

^3. From a policy-centred perspective, knowledge of how the values and beliefs implied by EC theory resonates with mass belief systems might be perceived as a requirement for balancing policy effectiveness and policy legitimacy (Matti 2009).

^4. The questionnaire included a further three motivations drawing on personal benefits from buying eco-labelled goods (health, economy, etc.).

^5. We refrain from using a 5 to –5 scale to avoid any negative connotations.

^6. Although the theoretical literature on EC is extensive (and growing), previous endeavours do not enable us to derive a more exact range within which responses might denote ecological citizens. Thus, we adopt what we consider to be a rather strict definition (scores in the range 5.5 to 7). Further, due to the arbitrary character of all such criteria, we cannot estimate an absolute level of ecological citizenship. Rather, the main interest lies in finding out which of the four core components are more or less fulfilled among the public.

^7. To the extent that they have answered all other questions on the social justice component, they might still be included in the subsequent analysis, since we generally demand that people have answered more than half the items to be included in an index.

^8. The two items upon which this component is based in fact correlate weakly negatively (r = −0.11).