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Denial of disability discrimination by disabled people in China

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Abstract

In contrast to the previous scholarly focus on anti-discrimination, which has long been described as a salient topic in the disability research area, this article discusses evidence to conclude that disabled people in China are inclined to deny social discrimination instead of finding ways to fight for social inclusion. Through interviews and observations, this article generalizes five types of causes – institutional causes, environmental causes, societal causes, familial causes and psychological causes – to explain an ‘observed phenomenon’ of discrimination denial in China. The authors worry that the phenomenon of discrimination denial might represent an even deeper type of discrimination, which might severely hinder the inclusion of disabled people into the mainstream. It is hoped that scholars may pay more attention to the intricate nature and fundamental paradox related to disability discrimination in non-western societies.

Introduction

Since the 1970s, the research topic of disability-related discrimination has become one of the most significant discussions in critical disability studies, contributing to the disability rights movements of the 1970s in fighting disability-related discrimination (Omansky Gordon and Rosenblum Citation2001; Oliver Citation2013). Critical scholars adopting this approach argue that it is society which has constructed ideals of ‘able’ or ‘normal’ that lead to some members of society being discriminated against as ‘disabled’ (Oliver Citation2013). This ‘social model’ approach therefore focuses on social obstacles imposed on disabled people in a disabling society that contribute to social exclusion, oppression and discrimination of people with disabilities (Goggin and Newell Citation2003; Mercer Citation2002; Oliver Citation2013). However, despite these contributions, the extant research seems less concerned with phenomena related to disability discrimination in China (Zhao and Zhang Citation2018). In particular, the social model has rarely received attention in the literature on Chinese disability studies.

According to the China Disabled Persons’ Federation (Citation2012), approximately 85 million people in China experienced diverse forms of disability in 2012. China, like other countries, has developed initiatives and policies to prohibit discrimination against disabled people. The CitationLaw on the Protection of Persons with Disabilities states:

Persons with disabilities shall enjoy equal rights with other citizens in political, economic, cultural and social respects and in family life as well. The rights and dignity of persons with disabilities as citizens shall be protected by law. Discrimination on the basis of disability shall be prohibited. (Citation1990, Article Three, Chapter One)

Despite the enactment of laws that prohibit discrimination based on disability, Chinese society apparently chooses to ignore the rights of these individuals and makes little effort to include them in society. Disabled people continue to have limited opportunities to participate in education, employment, recreation and many other aspects of community life that are open to people without disabilities (Pattberg Citation2017). For example, it remains a challenge for people in wheelchairs to access most public places (e.g. restaurants), even in large cities (Pattberg Citation2017). Additionally, Chinese people with disabilities have been oppressed, stigmatized and seen as defective. Dominant discourses refer to them in discriminatory terms such as ‘can fei’ (literally, deformed and useless) and portray them as objects of pity and the creators of an economic burden on society, gratefully accepting sympathy and assistance whenever offered (Pattberg Citation2017).

However, in an unpredicted way, the research data in our project reveal that many disabled persons in China have a different viewpoint. Instead of protesting their discrimination, many Chinese disabled persons are inclined to deny the severe discrimination they have experienced. When asked about discrimination, they usually respond ‘I am fine, there is no disability-related discrimination against me.’ This ‘unusual’ phenomenon leads the authors to the following research question: why would Chinese disabled persons prefer to deny discrimination instead of fighting for their rights and social inclusion?

Observed causes of discrimination denial

In responding to this research question, semi-structured interviews and observations were conducted through a large online working and communication platform for people with disabilities in China, which we refer to here as ‘Helping’. The interview invitations were sent via the disabled entrepreneur who leads ‘Helping’, and who agreed to an interview on 29 October 2017. Ultimately, 20 disabled persons (13 women and seven men; none self-claimed activists) accepted our invitation, and interviews were conducted from 29 October to 10 November 2017. The conversations were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Fictitious names were assigned to the institution and the participants.

From the participants’ perspectives, instead of imposing a theoretical framework on the data, the authors inductively identify five causes – institutional causes, environmental causes, societal causes, familial causes and psychological causes – to explain the phenomenon of discrimination denial among disabled individuals.

Institutional causes

By enacting anti-discrimination policies and living assurances into its constitution, Chinese officials routinely deny the existence of discrimination directed at any disabled person. Disabled individuals in China tend to believe that they are not treated discriminatorily under the constitution and that they can receive support such as subsidies to improve their living conditions. Disabled individuals are accustomed to saying that ‘it is not the government’s fault’ they are disabled, as mentioned by Mr Qian: ‘The government provides living subsidies for the disabled. I can get about 300 hundred yuan every month. I have to declare that I need that for living.’

Unexpectedly, disabled individuals know they can obtain small subsidies under the constitution, but ‘have not heard’ that their other rights, such as citizen dignity, are also legally protected. Therefore, they might not be sufficiently aware to safeguard their rights through enforcement of the law, but instead are grateful for the government’s financial assistance.

Environmental causes

Most of China’s major facilities are inconvenient for disabled people. For example, it remains challenging for people in wheelchairs to access most schools and restaurants, even in large cities (Pattberg Citation2017). Therefore, they need strangers’ assistance to cope with obstacles when they travel. Accordingly, they are more thankful for people’s kindness than prone to complain about subtle discrimination. As Mr Li shared with us:

I do not like people staring at me in public, but I believe they are not being discriminatory, perhaps they are just being curious about me. Most of them are kind-hearted and willing to help. I remember once I went out alone. My wheelchair suddenly stuck. I was in panic. Thank god, a kind-hearted woman saw me and helped me to pass through.

Societal causes

Chinese traditional society is a society of acquaintances in which local governance depends more on human relation and customs than on legal institutions (Fei, Hamilton, and Zheng Citation1992). Therefore, on occasion, even if a disabled person is unfairly treated by their own community, they might not risk damaging the human relations upon which they depend.

Ms Zhou’s experience might illustrate this point. Several children in her village often offend her for fun by throwing stones and sticks into her yard and then quickly escape. Their parents ‘turn a blind eye to the situation’. Ms Zhou did not want to ruin relationships with these families; to keep her dignity, she avoided admitting that she was treated discriminatorily or bullied and comforted herself by saying these were just ‘several naughty kids’ and ‘over-protective parents’.

Familial causes

Disabled people and their families are co-dependent. Influenced by traditional Buddhist suspicion and Confucian prejudices against disabilities, giving birth to imperfect offspring is considered shameful (Pattberg Citation2017). Disabled children might be taught to be strong and self-reliant to prove their abilities and save the family’s ‘face’. ‘When you are strong enough, you do not mind what other people think about you’, noted Ms Wu: ‘Although I am paralyzed, my mom trained me to live as a healthy person. Now I am married, have a job, and can support my family. I am even better than some healthy women, who will discriminate against me?’

In other cases, if a disabled person cannot work or go out, most of the discrimination against him or her might come from family members. However, disabled people depend on their families for daily support. If they are treated discriminatorily, they tend to think about it positively by saying to themselves that ‘family members love and understand me unconditionally, and although they might be impatient they will not leave me or look down on me’.

Psychological causes

When the participants talked about discrimination, they claimed they were not treated in a discriminatory fashion; however, we found it obvious from their expressions or unusual tone of voice that they were upset. Several participants even tagged themselves as a ‘family burden’, ‘crap’, ‘monster’ or ‘parasite’. Sometimes, the glares of strangers or their family members’ emotional outbursts made them feel ashamed and guilty.

However, tendencies towards denial are still common, according to our interviews, in reaction to conversations about discrimination. Clearly, disabled people are retreating into themselves to avoid a dialogue they fear might make them feel even worse. Discrimination denial becomes a way of escaping and not letting others know that disabled people have within themselves a soft underbelly that is sensitive to others’ words and actions.

Consider, for example, Mr Zheng, who has not been able to walk since he was 17 years old. His father was very disappointed in him because of his disability, as he was hoping his son would support the family in the future, but instead he (the son) became a ‘family burden’. Mr Zheng remembered his father saying ‘Let me push you onto the street. We both get hit by a car and die together. Then we can stop suffering.’ He was in panic and scared, but he justified it by thinking: ‘He was only upset, and did not really dislike me. Of course he cares about me.’ Although merely self-appreciation, this attempt at psychological consolation brings him comfort.

Conclusion and discussion

Paradoxically, Chinese disabled people are inclined to deny discrimination rather than to protect their rights against discrimination. They believe that the discrimination against them is not a societal matter, but instead is attributable to their not being physically and emotionally strong enough to gain people’s respect and acceptance.

As can be seen from the presented cases, there are five reasons that these participants denied the existence of discrimination against disabled persons. The process of discrimination denial by disabled people transfers blame from macro institutional causes, environmental causes and societal causes to the broader level of familial causes and then micro psychological causes.

In this sense, the social model has rarely been explicitly used as a tool for producing social change towards disability in China. We worry that denial and the reluctant responses and efforts of disabled people to mask their true feelings might represent an even deeper type of discrimination, which might severely hinder the likelihood of a transformative change into a more inclusive society that facilitates the inclusion of disabled people into the mainstream. Future work will shed more light on this viewpoint and lead to a better understanding of discrimination in disability studies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

References

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