“She who would be king”: identity, dignity and women’s narrative

abstract

The feminist movement is often described as a political movement that advocates radical social change. Consistent with this description, this issue of Agenda is intended to tap into those “hidden sources of power from where true knowledge and therefore, lasting action comes” (Lorde, 1984:37). Our aim is to eradicate those spaces that stifle and suppress women. As portrayed in the title, there is no reason why women cannot be “kings” (Needham and Aidoo, 1995). We wish to tell the stories of prolific women throughout Africa, both those in the limelight and those working diligently in the background locating the contribution of women within collective movements for social justice in their respective spheres. The purpose is to credit women as innovators, pioneers and history makers with agency, autonomy and determination. Accordingly, the narratives of these phenomenal women are addressed though the following main themes: oppression and suppression of women activists; feminism; sexual minorities; and women’s participation in government and governance structures.

key words:

• social change
• cultural identity
• agency
• self-determination
• prototypical
• feminism
• empowerment
• self-liberation
• dignity
• oppression

Introduction

Inspired by the notion of ecriture feminine (women’s writing) formulated by Hélène Cixous in 1975 and followed by feminist writers such as Luce Irigary, this issue was conceived to contribute strategically to liberation and empowerment of women based on the knowledge that self-understanding plays an important role in “self-liberation” (Freeman and Jones, 2019:20). Our starting premise is that, notwithstanding progressive feminist scholarship, social theory continues to neglect – if not entirely exclude – women’s experiences. It is this injustice that we seek to address. Rosi Braidotti’s conceptualisation of affirmative ethics provides a compelling methodology in the form of “an increased dose of collectively driven creativity” Braidotti (2018:17). As Braidotti states:

in order to cultivate affirmative ethics, we need to shift our self-understanding [towards] an adequate understanding of what a body (as embrained and embodied, material and relational entity) can do (2018:16).

Pertinently, our purpose is to reveal that the “speaking subject”, as Judith Butler (1993: 69) puts it, can use discourse to overcome oppression instead of contributing to the perpetuation of oppression. Pursuing the focus on revealing women’s experiences to illustrate this revolutionary power of women to overcome systemic oppression, we settled on a strategy advanced by de la Sablonnière, Taylor and Caron-Diotte (2018) who persuasively argue that in order for every member of society to “get along and get ahead”, clear cultural identity must be restored (de la Sablonnière et al, 2018:252). As a concept, cultural identity applies to particular social groups and defines

the extent to which individuals are confident about and clearly understand their cultural group’s history, values, goals, attitudes and behaviours (de la Sablonnière et al, 2018:255).

Given that cultural identity has serious consequences for both personal identity clarity and more broadly for psychological well-being, its application to women as a social group who have endured decades of oppression, but who have reached “consensus about the worthy pursuits in life” (de la Sablonnière et al, 2018:255) cannot be underestimated. One technique to advance radical social change is the construction of historical narratives that focus on “historical heroes who changed the course of history for the group, and who personify the behaviours and values that define the group” (de la Sablonnière et al, 2018:252). In other words, what is required is the documentation of the achievements of members of the social group as this inevitably provides a foundation upon which others can build in the process of self-liberation, thereby establishing an identifiable cultural identity. The 1956 women’s march to the Union Buildings in Pretoria, where women revealed that they would rather die than carry passbooks (Lorde, 1984:29) is particularly telling in this regard. Indeed, a large number of prominent feminists have defied all forms of subjugation and have charted paths that have in turn curated identities that others can emulate to navigate the world more successfully; we reveal those women who “would be king” (Needham and Aidoo, 1995).

Feminists fighting for freedom

In the call for abstracts for this issue we used the word ‘prototypical’ to refer to these phenomenal women. The word ‘prototypical’ refers to an original model on which a person or something is formed that demonstrates distinctive qualities. Alternatively, it is an analogous model, serving as a comparable point of reference. The ambiguity of the word pays homage to the internal conflicts of ‘womanhood’. In one aspect there is a rebellion against the social constructs of who and what a woman should be, and on the other hand, women are celebrating their evolution. Accordingly, feminism holds within itself the promise of greater and more meaningful freedom. The powerful message that this conveys is central to our methodological commitment to highlight the path taken by some in pursuit of transformation and social justice, thereby establishing a record of cultural identity that is able to be emulated and entrenched. We agree entirely with Harding (1986:250) that there is a “continuum of moral, political and historical self-consciousness” entailing that there can never be “one true” story. Adichie confirms this position in her rejection of the “single story” in light of its inherent danger (Adichie, 2009), especially in view of the disparate experiences of women in former colonies. It is thus imperative that women’s stories be told. These are the stories of women who endured subjection, discrimination and exclusion from economic, political and social life. This approach is aligned with Armstrong’s insistence that feminism is deeply political due to its “unwavering commitment to struggle” (Armstrong, 2002:91).

What cannot be disputed is that there has been consistency with regards to the portrayal of women in history books, in popular culture and on various platforms, reiterating the expectation of acceptable feminine behaviour. This conservative narrative is not only outdated, but it is simply brazen. The nature of women has been compartmentalised instead of being embraced in its complex and dynamic forms. The intention of the dominant narrative was that they remained docile and easier to police. Patriarchy, amongst other things, is informed by the theory of the inferior creation of women, and male dominance has since benefitted from the policing of women. According to Oyewumi, the “invention of women” considered the European influence on gender dynamics in society, particularly, the relationship between the female body and social roles (1997: 11). In African societies, there are misconceptions about gender, power and entitlement, that have extended to the female anatomy. She recognises the contribution of feminist thought in viewing the body as a case study, referring to it as a “site” (Oyewumi, 1997:31). As evidence, women endured centuries of violence and invisibility when their bodies were used as weapons of war (Kirby, 2020). In contemporary South Africa, the most predominant patriarchal demonstration is gender-based violence, as gut-wrenching headlines and statistics increase at an alarming rate daily. In every struggle, the female body is always on the front line. Even at the forefront of wars, revolutions and liberation struggles, there is a high threat of danger for women to be heard. This is because their bodies become tools that are used to tame their activism and silence their voices. Thus, the female body is an emblem of women’s experiences and acts as a reminder of their continued vulnerability in the face of current challenges (Kirby, 2020). In an analysis titled “the aftermath” (Gunkel, 2010:1), fragility also symbolises women whose sexual identity is violated, questioned and challenged by society. In the aftermath, we are required to unpack, assess the impact, and redress inequalities suffered by women across the spectrum. In addition to engaging in the difficult work of patriarchal power dynamics in society, we must boldly confront the struggle to expand captured territories where women are deprived of recognition and airtime.

At a policy level, issues that women face have been the subject of various global and continental frameworks, conventions and agreements which are geared towards achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment. For instance, Goal 5 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDGs) aims to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls through the achievement of various targets, such as ending discrimination against women and girls and promoting women’s participation and opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life (United Nations, 2015). The main focus of Agenda 2030 is to ensure that no one will be left behind. Stuart and Woodroffe (2016) argue that in implementing the principle of Leaving No One Behind as proposed in the SDGs not only requires consideration of the specific and different barriers faced by women and girls in meeting SDG targets. Instead, they argue, it goes far further by also enquiring into why women and girls are being left behind, as well as what to do about it (Stuart and Woodroffe, 2016). At the continental level, the African Union (AU) has adopted the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa which reaffirms the principle of promoting gender equality while eliminating discrimination and raises the concern that women remain victims of discrimination and that equal participation of women in politics remains a distant dream (African Union, 2003). The AU has also adopted Agenda 2063 reiterating the principles and goals of Agenda 2030 with a goal of ensuring gender equality in all spheres of life: political, economic and social (African Union, 2015). Despite the plethora of such agreements geared towards achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment, women still largely remain at the periphery and constantly endure and fight harassment, oppression and discrimination as a result of patriarchal social structures.

Against the background articulated above, in the pages that follow we capture the diverse narratives of feminist attributes, characteristics and strengths. We regard this as consistent with the raison d’être of the feminist project: it is an avowedly political movement advocating radical change (Harding, 1986). We wish to emphasise what Lorde compellingly describes as those “hidden sources of power from where true knowledge and therefore, lasting action comes” (Lorde, 1984:37). Accordingly, these stories are addressed though the following main themes: oppression and suppression of women activists; feminism; sexual minorities; and women’s participation in government and governance structures. To be sure, this issue of Agenda is intended to advance the feminist struggle by eradicating all attempts to suppress the success and achievements of women. Our aim is to tell the stories of prolific women throughout Africa, those in the limelight and those working diligently in the background. It seeks to embrace their multifaceted character, especially considering the milestones that have liberated Africa from colonisation and brought it into (mostly) democratic dispensations. Essentially, it locates the contribution of women within collective movements for social justice in their respective spheres and credits them as innovators, pioneers and history makers. This issue invites women to unite in celebration of each other to continue engaging society in its uncomfortable truths. It is a petition to further the ongoing gender discussion, to consider the voices of ALL women.

Women activists who resisted the oppression and suppression of women

Portraying “worthy pursuits in life” (de la Sablonnière et al, 2018:254-255), this issue offers insights into the fearless confrontation of oppression exhibited by women such as Mary Fitzgerald, Sylvia Tamale, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Ellen Kuzwayo, Phyllis Naidoo, Coumba Toure and Wanelisa Xaba. These figures all confirm the feminist resolve that social change is possible. Juxtaposed against the examples of women who have resisted subordination, however, are instances where oppression and discrimination are meted out expediently to women when they do not appear to comply with their feminine roles. Indeed, history is replete with accounts of assertive women being stereotyped in demeaning and degrading ways, with their contributions to society being obscured and overshadowed. To be sure, historical accounts of prominent female figures are “fragile” for their incompleteness (Hunt, 2018:60). Recording the valuable contributions of women is the primary aim of this issue in the expectation that it catalyses further critical interrogation in order to elaborate a comprehensive and cohesive account of the sustained struggles of women of purpose.

Situating her analysis directly within the context of colonialism, empire and resistance, Lou Haysom addresses the profound courage of Mary Fitzgerald. Atypical of white colonial women in the early 1900s, Mary Fitzgerald fought for justice against rapacious capitalist expansion in the gold mining industry in South Africa, accentuating her exceptionality. Adopting an unapologetically subversive approach to colonial race and gender constructs of the time, Fitzgerald was described as a violent, dangerous trouble-maker as a consequence of her membership of the Socialist Party and her encouragement of the unionisation of workers. Fitzgerald was also instrumental in ensuring that women acquired the right to vote. By living a dignified existence, she was responsible for protecting the dignity of others. One of the more remarkable consequences of Fitzgerald’s activism is that she consistently raised the issue of Miner’s Phthisis (also known as silicosis) in Parliament. Her legacy endures in that the evidence she collected of the effects of silicosis was invariably relied on in the recent class action demanding compensation for death and disability arising from silicosis dating back to 1965.

Just as Mary Fitzgerald was vilified, other women have suffered the same fate. Ncube elucidates the consequences when female politicians attempt to “decentre male dominance” in Zimbabwe. Two instances are explored by Ncube: Joice Mujuru’s relegation from the position of Vice-President on account of asserting herself as an agentive political character and ignoring the patriarchal script to which she was expected to adhere; and the epitome of an “unruly African woman” (Chigumadzi, 2018), being the description attached to Grace Mugabe. Joice Mujuru succumbed to the appellation ‘hure’ (whore) on account of the political power she wielded that threatened patriarchal dominance. Whereas she had originally been complimented with the expression ‘amai’ (mother in Shona), signifying respect, a drastic change transpired illustrating the precariousness of women’s position in Zimbabwean society. Gibson Ncube ably describes how agentive political actors suddenly become “unruly whores or witches” when they challenge patriarchy. Buttressing the argument is Ncube’s analysis of Grace Mugabe suffering the same fate. It is argued that if Grace Mugabe was a man, her brazenness and imprudence would most likely have been lauded. These two examples are by no means the only ones in Zimbabwe’s fragile democracy. Ncube maintains that too easily, [Zimbabwean] women are easily vilified because of their gender, particularly when their purpose is to attain political power. Unfortunately, as Ncube points out, women tend to employ similar misogynistic strategies, with name-calling between women also being common.

Continuing with the theme of ambivalence is Jane Bennett’s portrayal of Sylvia Tamale in “Thank you for being”/ “the worst woman in the world”. Tamale is simultaneously described as courageous and dangerous. In Uganda, Tamale has been abused and harassed for being “fully alert to toxic and dangerous political discourse”, but this does not discount the admiration she receives for her sustained research examining how the law works “against the dignity, and humanity, of people gendered as women and against the lives of those who battle against gender conformity”. Bennett documents Tamale’s engagement with the situation of women in Uganda’s parliament in the early 1990s, highlighting the “allied targeted misogyny” to which women parliamentarians were subject.

Eloquently articulated by Ronicka Mudaly in her article “Grabbing the sharp end of the knife to bring liberation, peace and justice to South Africans: Lessons from Ellen Kuzwayo and Phyllis Naidoo”, the herstories of Ellen Kuzwayo and Phyllis Naidoo address “the relegation of women to the distant margins of history and avails a different perspective to young people, many who do not know about the central roles played by women during their struggle against oppression”. Mudaly succinctly traces the powerful role that a number of women played in resistance, such as the 1913 anti-pass campaign led by women; their involvement in trade unions; politics; and their defiance campaigns. She then narrows her focus to Ellen Kuzwayo and Phyllis Naidoo to indicate how they fought personal, political, cultural and social oppression. Specifically, she locates the writings of Phyllis Naidoo and Ellen Kuzwayo within the context of earlier traditions of women’s writing and explores the role and contribution that women played in the struggle for democracy and against oppression in South Africa. In narrating their stories and experiences, Mudaly indicates how such experiences resonate with what other black women suffered during apartheid South Africa.

Feminism

“We should all be feminists” (Adichie, 2014) is an expression – if not a mantra – developed by the ardent feminist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie and which resonates with the quest to challenge inequality. In their article, Funmi Abioye and Pam Nyawo focus on Chimamanda Adichie’s popularity, esteem and influence in African feminist activism and how she uses digital media and her literary works to push for social justice and women’s equality in society. Referring to Adichie’s digital works such as TEDx and other social media platforms, the authors indicate how digital media have ensured that her feminist activism gains visibility and popularity, thus “breaking down barriers and building bridges” to cut across gender, age, race, geography, culture, class, and other axes of identity. In the second part of the article, the authors indicate how Adichie compellingly uses characters in her literary work (in Purple Hibiscus and Half of a Yellow Sun) to skilfully depict patriarchy, female subordination and struggles that women undergo. As the expression goes, once this message has been seen, it cannot be unseen.

Feminism has been made a scholarly concept. This results in an exclusionary experience for those who do not have tertiary education. It is important to note the distinction between ‘feminist epistemology’ and women’s experience. The concept of ‘women’s experience’ places value on the human ability to produce ideas and individually interpret them. Thus, experience is central to feminist discussions (Mulinari and Sandell, 1999), since epistemology is grounded on experience. Simply, there are hierarchies within feminism and those that are uneducated are considered as “minority feminists” (Mulinari and Sandell, 1999:287), whose thoughts and ideas carry less weight. While the former has been championed over the other, the latter is equally valid and this issue honours feminism in all its manifestations.

This issue interprets feminism as inclusive of minority women. In other words, it is inclusive of women who were not considered the model feminist and were historically excluded from the feminist discourse. The issue, of course, is not the first to highlight the emergence of a more inclusive feminism. Scholars such as Mkhize have endorsed the gender ideologies of Gogo Ngoatjakumba who is a sangoma (Mkhize, 2018). The works of scholars such as Mkhize demonstrate a push back against the common narrative, and the interview between Nomxolisi Albert and Wanelisa Xaba included in this issue, is a contribution to this emergence. The interview explores the narrative of how gender gives meaning to the working class (Chachage, 2013) by looking at a socio-economic paradigm valuing one’s ability to bring in income, as the etiquette. It raises the question of the weight placed on feminist words and experiences because it is doused with power or money. Like Chachage, Albert argues with certainty that education is a commodity within a capitalist economy. This interview is symbolic of the longstanding tensions between scholars and grassroots women, and in the interview those differences resurface. Both women, although related, consider themselves as feminists, but the one is supported by pedagogy and the other is not. This has led to the questioning of the legitimacy of feminism that is not grounded in formal education by the family members and in the township that Nomxolisi Albert is from. As such, Oyewumi argues for the adoption of a cultural contextual approach when interpreting social realities (Oyewumi, 1997). In the spirit of navigating spaces, while feminist theories are evolving, in operation, there are still blind spots regarding the lived experiences of women in different societies across race and class lines (Mkhize, 2018).

Helen Aadnesgaard tackles the subject of the policing of women to ensure what is regularly regarded as “acceptable feminine behaviour”. The spirited article pays homage to unrestricted feminism and its lively perspective rebels against language as a tool for compartmentalising women. In her analysis, she refers to feminism as a moving target that women are perusing in an effort to determine what it means to be a good feminist, and whether or not this is actually attainable. Certain themes of feminism have received more airtime and endorsement. Thus, when an alternative narrative presents itself, a problem arises. It all boils down to the policing of women’s behaviour and the championing of ladyhood as a social construct.

Sexual minorities and identity

Under this theme issues related to heteronormativity are explored. It highlights the potential challenges for non-cisgender people of existing in a heteronormative society and navigating through heteronormative spaces. In their work, Corné Davis and Karabo Sitto establish the workplace as a sexualised environment where many individuals feel ostracised and uncomfortable. Moreover, the workplace serves as a micro-organisation of society, where the subject of sexual identity is relevant. The rights and interests of sexual minorities are not always easy to navigate, presenting a challenge to institutions that are required to embrace everyone equally and afford equal participation to all. Advancing social cohesion is of paramount importance for sexual minorities, and arguably this can be achieved through the opening of exclusive spaces and disturbing conservative ideas about women, bringing us to the contribution by Mojaesi Phejane. Phejane critiques the contradictory and paradoxical position of the Methodist Church of South Africa (MCSA) by highlighting the life experiences of Reverend Ecclesia de Lange, who dared to journey into the religious arena to carve out a new norm as a homosexual priest within a conservative space. Her article focuses on how the MCSA responded to de Lange’s decision to marry her long-term same-sex partner by dismissing her on grounds of her sexuality and the court’s ruling on her dismissal. In addition to religious antagonism, this article calls for a reflection of the dilemma that is often faced by sexual minorities when compelled to choose between the self and the vocational calling. These exclusionary spaces have been rigid in their perception of sexual identity, commonly referring to it as immorality, and it is unclear what efforts are required in order to ease the reluctance to fully accept and embrace sexual minorities. To be clear, the constitutional objective is acceptance instead of tolerance with a view to achieving the inclusion of all. Phejane argues that the claim by the MCSA that it is a “community of love rather than rejection” seem to exist as policy but is not put into practice. This is evident from the treatment and rejection that de Lange experienced. Drawing on intersectional and queer theories to critique the church and courts’ decisions to fire de Lange, the author argues that the claim by the church that it accepts individuals unconditionally is disingenuous: lesbian women continue to experience stigmatisation and discrimination which reflect the patriarchal worldview of the church.

Women’s participation in government and governance structures

An interview that interrogates relentless work on securing the right of access to one of the world’s most precious commodities, water, is Koni Benson’s with Coumba Toure. The interview illustrates that sheer grit and determination combined with a strong commitment to advance lasting social change can profoundly impact women both individually and collectively. Pertinently, Toure’s objective is to establish continent-wide solidarity for a self-determined future by systematically opposing the nationalisation of water. There is accordingly clear synergy between the important work undertaken by Toure and broader mandates of supranational institutions operating on the African continent, such as the African Union. Indeed, despite the adoption of conventions, policies and agreements that seek to advance gender equality and women’s participation in politics and the economy, effective enforcement at the national level is problematic

The 2015 AU Agenda 2063 aims at achieving holistic women’s empowerment within the next 50 years. It further aims to achieve a 50/50 representation of men and women holding decision-making positions at all levels of government in respect of positions that are not election-based by 2023. It is in this context that the profile by Nicholene Nxumalo and Babatunde Fagbayibo assess South Africa’s performance to ascertain whether Aspiration 6 can be realised in the realm of governance by the year 2023. South Africa has committed itself to implementing AU policies that have been established to ensure gender equality and women’s participation. The authors conclude that although South Africa has made commendable effort to ensure women’s participation in governance and leadership, there is still much to be done to ensure quantitative and qualitative gender equality in critical decision-making structures. Similarly, the contribution by Yamkela Ntola sheds light on South Africa’s governance perspective on the Indian Ocean Rim Association’s (IORA) focus area which commits itself to gender equality and women’s economic empowerment in pursuing its objectives on developing ocean economies. After providing a background to the applicable policy frameworks at a global, continental and regional level, Ntola discusses ocean development and women’s economic empowerment in South Africa. He interrogates applicable domestic policies and legal instruments relating to improvement in the maritime sector and empowerment of women. The article concludes that although global, continental and regional frameworks of which South Africa is a member favour the advancement of the status of women, South Africa is lagging behind. Ntola offers a number of options that South Africa can implement to ensure that its policies on women’s empowerment in developing its ocean economy align with such frameworks. These contributions affirm that progress regarding women’s representation and equal participation is occurring at a snail’s pace.

Conclusion

Feminism, argues bell hooks, “has the power to transform in a meaningful way all our lives” (hooks, 1984:28). By way of the documentation of the contribution of diverse feminists and feminist philosophical approaches our intention in this issue is to reveal that the narrative of women strengthens the momentum towards liberation, empowerment and social justice, all designed to transform society. Precisely, Yamkela Ntola’s articulation of the theme “evolution of the status of women” resonates with each of the articles in this issue and serves to reveal that a number of remarkable women have defied societal pressure to conform to predetermined roles and have instead set concrete examples that others can emulate. This narration of the strength of women to determine their own futures and assume whichever identities and roles they desire, speaks directly to the development of a common cultural identity that will allow all persons – especially women – to get along and get ahead.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Lee Stone

LEE STONE is a senior lecturer in the Department of Public, Constitutional and International Law at the University of South Africa where she lectures constitutional law at both undergraduate and postgraduate level as well as refugee law. She holds a PhD in Law from the University of the Witwatersrand. Lee is the Chair of the Board of Directors of Agenda and an Attorney of the High Court of South Africa. Previously, Lee held a research position for the Refugee Rights Project at Lawyers for Human Rights, South Africa, worked for the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in The Gambia and was a Legal Officer at the Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (a Pan-African NGO based in The Gambia) and also worked at the Legal Resources Centre in Durban. She has published widely in the areas of international criminal law, the African regional human rights system, refugee law, gender and the law and constitutional and human rights law. Email: [email protected]

Mmatsie Mooki

MMATSIE MOOKI is a senior lecturer in the Department of Public, Constitutional and International Law at the University of South Africa where she lectures international human rights at both undergraduate and postgraduate level. She holds an LLM in Human Rights and Democratization in Africa from the University of Pretoria. She is also an assistant editor of the South African Public Law Journal at the University of South Africa and board member at the Municipal Demarcation Board. She has previously worked at other South African university such as University of the Free State and North West University. Mmatsie’ s research interest is in areas of international human rights, reproductive and sexual health, gender and the law as well as local government. Email: [email protected]

Nicholene Nxumalo

NICHOLENE NXUMALO (LLM UKZN, Masters in Constitutional Litigation) is a lecturer in the Public Law Department at Nelson Mandela University. Her research areas include African Customary Law, Constitutional Law, governance, and human rights. She has a background in African Feminist Studies and African Thought Leadership which she acquired from Thabo Mbeki Leadership Institute. As an emerging scholar, her professional experience to date has largely been in the academy. Email: [email protected]