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Abstract
This article, by providing an overall assessment of the relations between Africa and the EU since the adoption of the Joint Africa Europe Strategy in Lisbon in 2007, tests the hypothesis of a ‘continental drift’. It looks in particular at four key variables in the relationship: economy, development, governance and politics, and multilateralism. A continental drift is in the making, associated with widening cracks in economic blocks: most of the trade between the two continents is concentrated on a dozen countries on each side. Although the EU has lost some of its leadership in development policies, its funding capacities are still attractive for countries in need: the donor–recipient relation is largely maintained. Both sides have agreed to disagree or to remain quiet about their reciprocal political inconsistencies: the management of governance and political dialogue is thus carried out in a pragmatic manner. The continent-to-continent relationship remains largely a vision.
Notes
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2. Joint Africa Europe Strategy, Lisbon, 9 December 2007.
3. Tripoli Declaration and Second Action Plan, 29–30 November 2010.
4. Ellis S, Dietz T, Havnevik K & M Kaag (eds), African Engagements: Africa Negotiating an Emerging Multipolar World (Leiden: Brill, 2011), p. 374.
5. Gilbert M Khadiagala, p. 218 in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012). Adebayo Olukoshi spoke of a paradigm shift in his speech at ‘Building the Africa–Europe Partnership: What Next?’, Lisbon, 13–14 December 2012.
6. Freemantle S & J Stevens, ‘BRIC–Africa in 2015: tectonic shifts continue apace’, Standard Bank, 23 November 2010. The online Oxford dictionary gives the following definition for continental drift: ‘the gradual movement of the continents across the earth's surface through geological time’.
7. The latest comprehensive publication on the theme is Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012).
8. The issue of migrations, although a very acute cross-cutting issue, is not discussed through a specific part of this article, but referred to in each section. Bach D, ‘The European Union and Africa: Trade liberalisation, constructive disengagement, and the securitisation of Europe's external frontiers’, Africa Review, 3, 1, 2011, pp. 33–46.
9. Mangala J, ‘The European Union and Africa: Old partners in a changing world’, in Mangala J (ed.), Africa and the New World Era. From Humanitarianism to a Strategic View (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 176–81. The author looks at theoretical options to approach Africa–EU relations. Sicurelli D, The European Union's Africa Policies: Norms, Interests, and Impact (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010). This book argues that the best approach to study EU's Africa policies is a ‘sociological institutionalist approach’, p. 148.
10. This approach benefited from five years of work in an EU agency specialised in foreign policy, security and governance matters. For the purpose of this article, interviews were conducted with African and European stakeholders, and in the course of several previous research trips to Africa. The views and analyses presented in this article are the authors’ and should not be construed as reflecting on the opinions of the EU and related institutions.
11. 2011 MOFCOM (Chinese Ministry of Commerce), and 2012 Eurostat (online data code: bop_fdi_main).
12. Interviews with individual member states (France, UK, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania) and EU representatives working in Nigeria and Mozambique, February and April 2011.
13. Data from WTO statistics on intra- and inter-regional trade. 2012 and 2011 figures are not available yet.
14. Whether this trend is to the benefit of African countries is another debate: Mosia J, ‘When is foreign direct investment beneficial to a country and when is it not? The case of South Africa’. SAIIA, Policy briefing 44, February 2012.
15. UNCTAD 2012, World Investment Report, pp. 39–40, on greenfield investment figures.
16. ‘Building bridges’, Ernst & Young's 2012 attractiveness survey, <http://www.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssets/EY_2012_Africa_attractiveness_survey/$FILE/attractiveness_2012_africa_v17.pdf>.
17. Van Criekinge T, ‘The EU–Africa migration partnership: an assessment of African leverage’, in Carbone M (ed.), One Europe, one Africa: Changing Dynamics in EU–Africa Relations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, forthcoming). On the cases of Senegal and Ghana, the abstract states: ‘While the EU's migration policy towards Africa has been characterised as geared exclusively towards a politics of control, the evolution of the migration agenda towards a more comprehensive approach considering the interests of destination countries can be partially attributed to the leadership of some African governments.’
18. Taylor I, in Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), p. 128.
19. For a synthetic background on EPA negotiations, see Elgström O, ‘From Cotonou to EPA light. A troubled negotiating process’, in Faber G & J Orbie, Beyond Market Access for Economic Development – EU–Africa Relations in Transition (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp. 21–37. Bernal L and Hampton H, ‘Agricultural safeguard measures in the context of the Economic Partnerships Agreements’, in Ngangjoh-Hodu Y and Shasha Matambalya F, Trade Relations Between the EU and Africa – Development, Challenges and Options beyond the Cotonou Agreement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), pp. 151–84. Meyn M, ‘An anatomy of the economic partnership agreements’ and Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 197–214 and 215–35. Hinkle LE & RS Newfarmer, ‘Risks and rewards of regional trading arrangements in Africa: Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and SSA’. World Bank draft working paper, 15 June 2005. A useful newsletter on EPA is ECDPM's EPA update (<www.ecdpm.org>).
20. ‘The strict division introduced by the Cotonou agreement between foreign policy goals and trade-related issues associated with the EPAs remains remarkable.’ Faber G & J Orbie, Beyond Market Access for Economic Development – EU–Africa Relations in Transition (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 369. Stocchetti M, ‘The development dimension or disillusion? The EU's development policy goals and the Economic Partnershipp Agreements’, in Yenkon Ngangjoh-Hodu Y and Shasha Matambalya F, Trade Relations Between the EU and Africa – Development, Challenges and Options beyond the Cotonou Agreement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), pp. 40–58. Bilal S, ‘EPA deals as stepping stones or stumbling blocks?’, Trade Negotiation Insights, 7, 1, 2008, pp. 1–3. South Centre, ‘EPAS: The wrong development model for Africa and options for the future’. Analytical note, SC/ TDP/AN/EPA, 23 March 2010.
21. De Roquefeuil Q, ‘EPA update’, GREAT Insights, 1, 10, December 2012; Dalleau M, ‘EPA update’, GREAT Insights, 1, 7, September 2012 and 1, 2, March–April 2012.
22. Ngangjoh-Hodu Y and Shasha Matambalya F, Trade Relations Between the EU and Africa – Development, Challenges and Options beyond the Cotonou Agreement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), p. 271. Faber G & J Orbie, Beyond Market Access for Economic Development – EU–Africa Relations in Transition (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 363. Regional SSA groups did not preserve their unity when they had to come up with common schemes to liberalise imports from the EU. Most of their LDC (Least Developed Countries) members opted for the non-reciprocal EPA alternative, while most of the others decided to step into interim EPAs. For a detailed report on the reactions of individual countries and sub-regional organisations up until 2012, see Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 215–35, at pp. 220–27.
23. Interview with staff members of the South African permanent representation to the European Union, October 2012.
24. Faber G & J Orbie, Beyond Market Access for Economic Development – EU–Africa Relations in Transition (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 372.
25. Bernal L and Hampton H, ‘Agricultural safeguard measures in the context of the Economic Partnerships Agreements’, in Ngangjoh-Hodu Y and Shasha Matambalya F, Trade Relations Between the EU and Africa – Development, Challenges and Options beyond the Cotonou Agreement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), pp. 151–84, p. 154.
26. Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), and pp. 215–35, 227 and note 31.
27. Faber G & J Orbie, Beyond Market Access for Economic Development – EU–Africa Relations in Transition (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 365.
28. Ngangjoh-Hodu Y and Shasha Matambalya F, Trade Relations Between the EU and Africa – Development, Challenges and Options beyond the Cotonou Agreement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), pp. 270–71.
29. Sinzindgre A, ‘The European Union Economic Partnership Agreements with Sub-Saharan Africa’. UNU-Cris Working Papers, 2008/5, p. 2.
30. Aggad-Clerx F & N Tissi, ‘Can the Pan-African Programme revitalise the JAES?’ ECDPM Briefing Note 42, 2012.
31. Aggad-Clerx F & N Tissi, ‘Can the Pan-African Programme revitalise the JAES?’ ECDPM Briefing Note 42, 2012.
32. Gavas M, Koch S, Bello O, van Seters J & M Furness, ‘The EU's multi-annual financial framework post-2013: Options for EU development cooperation’, European Think Tanks Group, June 2011.
33. Interview with a EU Member state representative in charge of a thematic partnership.
34. Taylor I, ‘Governance and relations between the European and Africa: The case of NEPAD’, Third World Quarterly, 31, 1, 2010, pp. 51–67.
35. Geddes M, ‘Where do European Institutions rank on donor quality?’ Background note, ODI, June 2012.
36. <http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/financing-africa-eu-partnership>, accessed November 2012.
37. Other EU mechanisms presented as being part of the partnership were actually worldwide thematic instruments on research cooperation, like the seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development, the Human Rights Instrument, Crisis Response and peacebuilding (Instrument for Stability) or Geographic Instruments covering Nothern Africa (European Neighbourhood Instrument) or middle-income countries (Development Cooperation Instrument).
38. Interviews with four European diplomats, October 2012.
39. Tywuschik V & A Sherriff, ‘Beyond Structures? Reflections on the Implementation of the Joint Africa–EU Strategy’, ECDPM, February 2009. ECDPM/SAIIA, ‘Taking stock of the Joint EU–Africa Strategy and Africa's International Relations’. Summary Report, 11 March 2010. Bossuyt J and A Sherriff, ‘What next for the Joint Africa–EU Strategy? –Perspectives on revitalising an innovative framework – A Scoping Paper’. ECDPM, Discussion Paper 94, March 2010.
40. Holland M and M Doidge, Development Policy of the European Union (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 214–47.
41. Danner H, End of Arrogance: Africa and the West: Understanding their Difference (Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, 2012), p. 3.
42. Rowan C, The Politics of Water in Africa: The European Union's Role in Development Aid Partnership (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 143–4.
43. See for instance Ellis S, ‘Africa in the world: A historical view’, in Dietz T, Havnevik K & M Kaag (eds), African Engagements: Africa Negotiating an Emerging Multipolar World (Leiden: Brill, 2011), p. 374.
44. Taylor I, in Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), p. 128.
45. CONCORD, Spotlight on Policy Coherence for Development, 2011.
46. Ian Taylor argues that the EU has used ‘good governance’ as a rhetorical instrument to mask its own failures in contributing to development in Africa, in Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), p. 128.
47. Carbone M, ‘The European Union, good governance and aid co-ordination’, Third World Quarterly, 31, 1, 2010, pp. 13–29.
48. ‘The Tunis consensus on development: Targeting effective development. From aid effectiveness to effective development’. African Development Bank, 4–5 November 2010.
50. Increasingly nuanced and detailed analyses on the diversity of Chinese interests and actors in Africa have contributed to the sophistication of the debate. Manji F & S Marks (eds), African Perspectives on China in Africa (Oxford: Fahuma, 2007). Bach D, ‘The European Union and China in Africa’, in Kweku A & S Naidu (eds), Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon? Africa and China (Durban: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2008), pp. 278–93. Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012). Fletcher H, ‘Development aid for infrastructure investment in Africa: Malian relations with China, the European Commission and the World Bank’. SAIIA Occasional Paper 58, April 2010. Foster V et al., Building Bridges: China's Growing Role as Infrastructure Financier for Africa, World Bank, 2009. Human Rights Watch, ‘“You'll be fired if you refuse” – Labor abuses in Zambia's Chinese state-owned copper mines’, November 2011. Brautigam D, The Dragon's Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). Tjiurimo Hengari A, ‘The European Union and global emerging powers in Africa: Containment, competition or cooperation?’, South African Journal of International Affairs, 19, 1, 2012, pp. 1–24. Pellerin M, ‘The recent blossoming in relations between China and Madagascar’. IFRI, February 2012.
51. Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), p. 5.
52. Wade A, ‘Time for the west to practise what it preaches’, Financial Times, 23 January 2008.
53. European Commission, ‘The EU, Africa and China: Towards trilateral dialogue and co-operation’. Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament (Brussels: European Commission, 17 October 2008), COM(2008) 654 final. Wissenbach U, ‘China–Africa relations and the European Union: Ideology, conditionality, realpolitik and what is new in South–South co-operation’, in Dent CM (ed), China and Africa Development Relations (London: Routledge, 2011). Berger B and Wissenbach U, ‘EU–China–Africa trilateral development co-operation. Common challenges and new directions’. DIE Discussion Paper 21/2007 (Bonn: DIE, 2007).
54. International workshop, ‘The EU and China: Partners or competitors in Africa?’, College of Europe, Bruges, February 2010. Stahl AK, ‘Trilateral development cooperation between the European Union, China and Africa: What prospects for South Africa?’, Stellenbosch University, Centre for Chinese Studies, Discussion Paper 4, 2012.
55. Ian Taylor mentions a common neo-liberal view in Africa, in Men J & B Barton (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 141–2. Steiler I, The European Union and China in Africa. Explaining Conflict and Cooperation with International Relations Theory (Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovač, 2009), p. 148. Rye Olse G, ‘China into Africa: Conflict or the triumph of Western order?’, in Dietz T, Havnevik K & M Kaag (eds), African Engagements: Africa Negotiating an Emerging Multipolar World (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 204–25, 222.
56. Steiler I, The European Union and China in Africa. Explaining Conflict and Cooperation with International Relations Theory (Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovač, 2009), p. 106.
57. ODI, FRIDE, ECDPM, DIE, EU, ‘Blending facilities: Implications for future governance options’, January 2011.
58. Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adekeye Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 215–35.
59. Sicurelli D, The European Union's Africa Policies: Norms, Interests, and Impact (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), p. 174.
60. Open Society Briefing Paper, 2010, EU–AU Relations: The Partnership on Democratic Governance and Human Rights of the Joint Africa–EU strategy, p. 20, states that ‘The Joint Africa–EU Strategy is in hibernation. Partners on both sides are at pains to disguise their disappointment.’ See www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/eu-au-relations-20100708.pdf (accessed 26 March 2013).
61. Very little public information is available online about the 2010 EU–Africa summit in Syrte, Libya. ‘EARN/Institut Marques de Valle Flor Conference on Europe–Africa Relations’, Lisbon, December 2012. The summit was marred by numerous disagreements; Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 215–35, at p. 218.
62. Portugal and Spain were described to the author as like-minded member states, while ‘the more critical states were those least involved: the Netherlands and Sweden’. The UK, initially keen to play its role of chair shifted its position once it became clear the partnership was not delivering on Millennium Development Goals. Interview with a European diplomat, Brussels, October 2012.
63. Interview with an EU diplomat, Brussels, November 2012.
64. ‘Migration et développement: quelles politiques menées en Afrique subsaharienne?’ MAFE Working paper 6, April 2010, p. 6.
65. Lessault D & Beauchemin C, ‘Ni invasion, ni exode. Regards statistiques sur les migrations d'Afrique subsaharienne’, REMI, 25, 1, 2009, pp. 163–94.
66. Hein de Haas, ‘The Myth of invasion: The inconvenient realities of African migration to Europe’, Third World Quarterly, 29, 7, 2008, pp. 1305–1322.
67. Bach D, ‘The European Union and Africa: Trade liberalisation, constructive disengagement, and the securitisation of Europe's external frontiers’, Africa Review, 3, 1, 2011, pp. 33–46.
68. Sicurelli D, The European Union's Africa Policies: Norms, Interests, and Impact (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 148–9.
69. EU Sahel strategy and EU's strategic framework for the Horn of Africa, 2011, <http://www.eeas.europa.eu/africa/docs/sahel_strategy_en.pdf> and <http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/en/11/st16/st16858.en11.pdf>.
70. EU's Africa policy after Lisbon, EUISS, 18 October 2011, <http://vimeo.com/30898719>.
71. Interview with a European diplomat, October 2012. ‘Report of the 6th Democracy, Governance and Human Rights Informal Joint Experts Group Meeting’, 6–7 June 2012, <http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/sites/default/files/6th_ijeg_report_geneval_6-7_june_final_0.pdf>.
72. The so-called ‘Bien Mal Acquis’ (Illicit Enrichment) case, <http://www.transparency-france.org/ewb_pages/div/Les_biens_mal_acquis.php>.
73. The Chattham House's Angola forum is a case in point, <www.chathamhouse.org>.
74. Between 2008 and 2012, there were officially around 370 European embassies in Africa, in addition to EU delegations. Information communicated to the author, Spring 2009 and January 2012.
75. Interview with European diplomats, Abuja, February 2011.
76. On the very ICC topic, some joint legal work was actually done by the EU and the AU, with the ‘AU–EU Expert Report on the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction’, 16 April 2009.
77. Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adekeye Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 215–35 at pp. 227–34.
79. Sicurelli D, The European Union's Africa Policies: Norms, Interests, and Impact (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), p. 151.
80. Sicurelli D, The European Union's Africa Policies: Norms, Interests, and Impact (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), p. 151.
81. Hoste J-C, ‘Where was united Africa in the climate change negotiations?’ Egmont Policy Brief, February 2010, p. 6.
82. Bello O, ‘EU–Africa's Summit plans left in tatters’, AEJ, 5 December 2010, <http://www.aefjn.org/tl_files/aefjn-files/Africa/Info%20Africa%20eng/101205%20EU-Africa%E2%80%99s%20Summit%20plans%20left%20in%20tatters.doc>.
83. Vidal J and Harvey F, ‘African nations move closer to EU position at Durban climate change talks – The chair of the Africa group said it supported the EU's calls for a legally binding agreement covering all nations’, The Guardian, Thursday 8 December 2011. Mabey N, ‘Understanding Europe's unexpected Durban success’, ESharp, January 2012.
84. Gilbert Khadiagala argues that multilateralism ‘has whitted down the extent of Euro-African relations’, in Khadiagala GM, ‘Africa and Europe. Ending a dialogue of the deaf?’, in Adebajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa – From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (London: Hurst, 2012), pp. 215–35, at p. 235.
85. Olsen GR, ‘China into Africa: Conflict or the triumph of Western order?’, in Dietz T, Havnevik K & M Kaag (eds), African Engagements: Africa Negotiating an Emerging Multipolar World (Leiden: Brill, 2011), p. 219.
86. Olsen GR, ‘Is EU Africa policy becoming “Nordic”? Or is Nordic exceptionalism withering away?’, NAI Forum, 7 September 2011.
87. Pirozzi N, ‘Towards an effective Africa–EU partnership on peace and security: Rhetoric or facts?’, The International Spectator, 45, 2, June 2010, pp. 85–101. Pirozzi N (ed.), Ensuring Peace and Security in Africa: Implementing the New Africa–EU Partnership (Rome: IAI, May 2010), IAI Quaderni, English series 17. Vines A & R Middleton, Options for the EU to Support the African Peace and Security Architecture (European Parliament), February 2008. Haastrup T, ‘EU as mentor? Promoting regionalism as external relations practice in EU–Africa relations’, Journal of European Integration, 2013, DOI:10.1080/07036337.2012.744754. Toni Haastrup, ‘Africa–EU partnership on peace and security’, in Mangala J (ed.), Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership (New York: Palgrave, 2013).
88. In 2012, more funding went primarily to AMISOM. European Peace Liaison Office. Briefing paper, African Peace Facility, 2012, <www.eplo.org>. Data is also available on the European Commission's website, <http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/where/acp/regional-cooperation/peace/index_en.htm>.
89. In 2012, more funding went primarily to AMISOM. European Peace Liaison Office. Briefing paper, African Peace Facility, 2012, <www.eplo.org>. Data is also available on the European Commission's website, <http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/where/acp/regional-cooperation/peace/index_en.htm>.
90. Observatoire de l'Afrique, ‘The African Standby Force: Confronting African Security Challenges?’ Seminar report, April 2012, <www.obsafrique.eu>.
91. Catherine Guicherd on EU's controversial work in central Africa, ‘L'investissement de l'UE en Afrique central: un pari risqué’. EUISS occasional paper, 2011.
92. For more detailed information provided by the EU on each of these missions, <http://www.consilium.europa.eu/eeas/security-defence/eu-operations?lang=en>.
93. Vines A, ‘Rhetoric from Brussels and reality on the ground: The EU and security in Africa’, International Affairs, 86, 5, 2010, pp. 1091–108. Olsen GR, ‘The EU and military conflict management in Africa: For the good of Africa or Europe?’, International Peacekeeping, 16, 2, 2009, pp. 245–60. Damien Helly's chapters on European operations in Africa in Grevi G, Helly D & D Keohane (eds), The European Security and Defence Policy, the First Ten Years 1999–2009. (Paris: EU Institute for Security Studies, 2009) Helly D, ‘Lessons from EUFOR Tchad/RCA’. EUISS Seminar Report, March 2010 and ‘Lessons from Atalanta and EU counter piracy policies’. EUISS Seminar Report, June 2011, <www.iss.europa.eu>.
94. ‘EU support to African security architecture: funding and training components’. EUISS, Occasional paper 76, February 2009.
95. Tjiurimo Hengari A, ‘After the political dust-up in Libya: Deepening the Europe–Africa dialogue – Diplomatic Pouch’, 20 January 2012, SAIIA, <http://www.saiia.org.za/diplomatic-pouch/after-the-political-dust-up-in-libya-deepening-the-europe-africa-dialogue.html>.
96. Wilsher K, ‘Sarkozy's micro-managed intervention in Ivory Coast could win votes. The French president has avoided accusations of necolonialism in his carefully gung-ho Africa campaigns’, The Guardian, 11 April 2011.
97. Phone interviews with European diplomats, October 2012.
98. Otieno Ong'ayo A, ‘China–Africa relations: The relevance of strategic engagement of African civil society organisations with China’ in African Engagements, p. 272: ‘Fragmentation and disjointed efforts within countries across the African continent does not augur well for a common position or a united front when engaging with external powers such as China, the US or the European Union’, in Ellis S, Dietz T, Havnevik K & M Kaag (eds), African Engagements: Africa negotiating an emerging multipolar world, (Leiden and Boston, MA: Brill, 2011).
99. Mangala J, ‘The European Union and Africa: Old partners in a changing world’, in Mangala J (ed.), Africa and the New World Era. From Humanitarianism to a Strategic View (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 167–91, at p. 187.