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ABSTRACT
This article examines the role of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in peacebuilding, considering its experience in peacebuilding in the greater Horn of Africa. The article critically examines IGAD’s performance in executing its mandates, as defined in the regional body’s constitutive act. IGAD’s peace mediation and peacebuilding efforts show mixed outcomes. This mixed outcome is attributed to a number of factors that include the structure of IGAD, its dependence on external funding, a dearth of capacity and the member states’ narrow national interests. The article argues that problems arising from the structure of IGAD are compounded by its heavy dependence on external aid; in addition, Ethiopia’s domination has rendered the organisation very weak in its peacebuilding efforts in the region compared to other African regional economic communities.
KEYWORDS:
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributor
Redie Bereketeab, PhD, is associate professor of sociology. Currently, he is working at the Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, Sweden, as a senior researcher. He runs research projects on conflict and state building in the Horn of Africa, and the role of regional economic communities (RECs) in peacebuilding in Africa.
Notes
1 Adetula V et al, Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding in Africa: The Experiences of ECOWAS and IGAD. Policy Dialogue no. 12. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2016.
2 Such as Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC), Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD).
3 The World Peace Foundation, African Politics, African Peace: Report Submitted to the African Union by the World Peace Foundation. Tufts University: The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2016; Brosig, M, Cooperative Peacekeeping in Africa: Exploring Regime Complexity. London & New York: Routledge, 2015.
4 Cocodia J, Peacekeeping and the African Union: Building Negative Peace. Abingdon & New York: Routledge, 2018.
5 The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) have the overall responsibility of authorising RECs in dealing with security issues in their respective regions. See Brosig M, Cooperative Peacekeeping in Africa: Exploring Regime Complexity. London & New York: Routledge, 2015; World Peace Foundation, African Politics, African Peace: Report Submitted to the African Union by the World Peace Foundation. Tufts University: The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2016.
6 IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development), Agreement Establishing the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, Assembly of Heads of State and Government. Nairobi: IGAD/SUM/AGRE-DOC, 1996; Bereketeab, R. ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012; De Klerk B. ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
7 El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99; Woodward P, ‘The IGAD and regional relations in the horn of Africa’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013a.
8 Ameyo DK, ‘Study on the comprehensive review of the agreement establishing the intergovernmental authority on development (IGAD)’, Unpublished paper.
9 Bereketeab R, ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Kidane M & B Redie (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012.
10 IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development), IGAD Environment and Natural Resources Strategy. Djibouti: ISBN9966-7255-9-8, 2007.
11 Yordanav RA, The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa During the Cold War: Between Ideology and Pragmatism. Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Lexington Books, 2016.
12 Andemariam SW, ‘In, out or at the gate? The predicament on Eritrea’s membership and participation status in IGAD’, Journal of African Law, 2015. doi:10.1017/S0021855315000091; Peter W, Crisis in the Horn of Africa: Politics, Piracy and the Threat of Terror. London & New York: I. B. Tauris, 2013.
13 El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99; Mengisteab K & Y Okbazghi, Anatomy of an African Tragedy: Political, Economic and Foreign Policy Crisis in Post-Independence Eritrea. Trenton NJ & Asmara: The Red Sea Press, 2005.
14 Yordanov R, The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa During the Cold War: Between Ideology and Pragmatism. Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Lexington Books, 2016; Schmidt E, Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City: Cambridge University Press, 2013.
15 IGAD, Agreement Establishing the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development. Assembly of Heads of State and Government. Nairobi: IGAD/SUM-96/AGRE-DOC, 1996.
16 Ibid.
17 IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development), Annual Report of IGAD Executive Secretary for 2006 and Planned Activities for 2007. Djibouti: IGAD/CM-26/07/WP02, 2007a; IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development), Communique of the 37th Extra-Ordinary Session of the IGAD Council of Ministers. New York, 22 September, 2010a.
18 Mwaura C & S Scmeidl (eds), Early Warning and Conflict Management in the Horn of Africa. Lawrenceville NJ & Asmara: The Red Sea Press, 2002; De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalisation and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
19 De Klerk B, ibid; Samatar AI, ‘The production of Somali conflict and the role of internal and external actors’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013; Bereketeab R, ‘The challenges of regional integration in the horn of Africa’, Journal of US-China Public Administration, 11, 5, 2014, pp. 401–14.
20 Bereketeab R, ‘Why south Sudan conflict is proving intractable’, Policy Note 4. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2015.
21 De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalisation and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007; Bereketeab R, ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012.
22 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, 2015, pp. 120–45; Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014; Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds.), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012.
23 Olonisakin F, ‘ECOWAS and civil society movements in west Africa’, IDS Bulletin, 40, 2, 2009, p. 110; Bappah HY, ‘ECOWAS protagonists for peace: An internal perspective on policy and community actors in peacemaking interventions’, South African Journal of International Affairs, 25, 1, 2018, p. 83.
24 Bereketeab R, ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012; Ameyo DK, ‘Study on the comprehensive review of the agreement establishing the intergovernmental authority on development (IGAD)’, Unpublished paper, 2010.
25 El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99.
26 El-Affendi A, ibid; De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
27 Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014, p. 147.
28 Woodward P, ‘The IGAD and regional relations in the horn of Africa’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013a.
29 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, 2015, pp. 120–45.
30 Woodward P, ‘The IGAD and regional relations in the horn of Africa’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013a; Cliffe L, ‘Regional dimension of conflict in the horn of Africa’, Third World Quarterly, 20, 1, 1999, pp. 89–111; Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014; De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalisation and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
31 Bereketeab R, The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013a; Mengisteab K, ibid, 2014; Woodward P, The IGAD and regional relations in the horn of Africa’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013a; De Waal A, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and Business of Power. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2015.
32 Mengesteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014.
33 Rotberg RI (ed), Battling Terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Cambridge, MA & Washington, DC: World Peace Foundation and Brookings Institution Press; Schmidt E, Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City: Cambridge University Press, 2013.
34 Yordanov R, The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa During the Cold War: Between Ideology and Pragmatism. Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Lexington Books, 2016.
35 Ibid.
36 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, 2015.
37 Mwaura C & S Schmeidl (eds), Early Warning and Conflict Management in the Horn of Africa. Lawrenceville NJ & Asmara: The Red Sea Press, 2002.
38 Mwaura C & S Schmeidl, ibid; Samatar AI, ‘The production of Somali conflict and the role of internal and external actors’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013.
39 Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014.
40 De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
41 Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014.
42 IGAD’s peacebuilding and peacekeeping engagement began in Somalia and Sudan. IGAD began peace mediation initiative in Sudan in 1993. But the increasing partisan nature of the member states’ engagement rendered IGAD’s efforts ineffective and finally was interrupted. For instance, the new government of Eritrea and Ethiopia, and Uganda were seen as taking side with the SPLM. The interruption lasted for three years. The resumption of the mediation between the National Congress Party (NCP) government and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) (National Democratic Alliance) produced the Asmara Declaration in 1995. The IGAD led peace talks between the government and oppositions resumed in 1997 where Khartoum accepted the Declaration of Principles (DOP).
43 De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
44 Ylönen A, ‘Any prospects for future peace? politics and war surrounding the Sudan-South Sudan conundrum’, in Ylönen A & J Zahorik (eds), The Horn of Africa Since 1960s: Local and International Politics Intertwined. London & New York: Routledge, 2017; Woodward P, ‘From CPA to DPA: ‘Ripe for resolution’, or ripe for desolution?’ in Grawert E (ed), After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2010; Grawert E (ed), After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2010.
45 Rotberg RI (ed), Battling Terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Cambridge, MA & Washington, DC: World Peace Foundation and Brookings Institution Press.
46 Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014, p. 147.
47 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, 2015, pp. 120–45; ICG (International Crisis Group), ‘South Sudan: Keeping faith with the IGAD peace process’, African Report no. 228, July 2015.
48 Apuuli KP, ibid, Bereketeab R, ‘Why south Sudan conflict is proving intractable’, Policy Note 4. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2015.
49 Bereketeab R, ‘The collapse of IGAD peace mediation in the current south Sudan civil war: When national interest dictate peace mediation’, Journal of African Foreign Affairs, 4, 1&2, 2017, pp. 147–64; Onditi F et al., ‘Power-sharing consociationalism in resolving south Sudan’s ethno-political conflict in post-comprehensive peace agreement era’, African Journal of Conflict Resolution, 18, 1, 2018, pp. 37–64.
50 ICG (International Crisis Group), ‘South Sudan: Keeping faith with the IGAD peace process’, African Report No. 228, July 2015.
51 ICG (International Crisis Group), ‘South Sudan: Rearranging the chessboard’, African Report No. 243, 20 December, 2016.
52 Chol JD, ‘‘You don’t own peace’: The Coward state, south Sudan and IGAD relation’, paper presented to the Policy Dialogue on Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding in Africa: Lesson Learned from the Experience of ECOWAS and IGAD, Abuja, Nigeria, 1–2 September 2016.
53 ICG (International Crisis Group), ibid, 2016; Hadra A, ‘Riek Machar denied entry to Ethiopia, returned to SA’, Africa News Agency, 23 November 2016.
54 AFP (Agence France Press), ‘Kenay deports south Sudan rebel leader’s spokesman’, AFP, 4 November 2016.
55 Knopf KA, ‘Ending south Sudan’s civil war. Council on foreign relations, Center for preventive action’, Council Special Report no. 77, November 2016.
56 Moro L, ‘South Sudan’s oil and international engagement’, in Ylönen A & J Zahorik (eds), The Horn of Africa Since 1960s: Local and International Politics Intertwined. London & New York: Routledge, 2017.
57 Onditi F et al., ‘Power-sharing consociationalism in resolving south Sudan’s ethno-political conflict in post-comprehensive peace agreement era’, African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 18, 1, 2018, pp. 37–64.
58 El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99; Chol JD, ‘‘You don’t own peace’: The Coward state, south Sudan and IGAD relation’, paper presented to the Policy Dialogue on Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding in Africa: Lesson Learned from the Experience of ECOWAS and IGAD, Abuja, Nigeria, 1–2 September 2016; Young J, The Fate of Sudan: The Origin and Consquences of the Flawed Peace Process. London & New York: Zed Books, 2012.
59 Yordanov R, The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa During the Cold War: Between Ideology and Pragmatism. Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Lexington Books, 2016; Schmidt E, Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City: Cambridge University Press, 2013; Young J, ‘Sudanese foreign policy: Regional and extra-regional perspectives’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Vol. II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth UK: University Press of America, 2007.
60 Cliffe L, ‘Regional dimensions of conflict in the horn of Africa’, Third World Quarterly, 20, 1, pp. 89–111; de Waal A, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2015.
61 This is the estimate of the CIA, as of June 2018. <https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/print_et.html>.
62 Mena Report, Ethiopia: Ethiopia Ranked as Sub-Saharan Africa’s Strongest Military power, 2014, accessed 12 March 2019 <https://www.thefreelibrary.com/_/print/PrintArticle.aspx?id=368232329>.
63 Shin D, ‘U. S. Policy towards the horn of Africa’, WorldNews, 13 October 2011; Lyons T, ‘Avoiding conflict in the horn of: U. S. policy toward Ethiopia and Eritrea’, Council of Foreign Relations, CSR No. 21, December 2006.
64 Reuters, Human Rights Watch says more than 400 killed in Ethiopia protests, June 16, 2016, accessed 12 March 2019, <https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-ethiopia-rights-idUKKCN0Z223K>.
65 Carboni A, ‘Ethiopia on the brink? Politics and protest in the horn of Africa’, Insight in Conflict, 2 November 2016.
66 Elmi AA, Understanding the Somalia Conflagration: Identity, Political Islam and Peacebuilding. London & New York: Pluto Press, 2010; Samatar AI, ‘The production of somali conflict and the role of internal and external actors’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013.
67 Andemaria SW, ‘In, out ore at the gate? The predicament on Eritrea’s membership and participation status in IGAD’, Journal of African Law, 2015. doi:10.1017/S0021855315000091; De Waal A, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2015; Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014.
68 Mengisteab K, ibid.
69 UN News Centre, Security Council Expands Sanctions on Eritrea over Support for Armed Groups. <https://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40628>, 2011.
70 Roughly, there have been two sorts of ‘natural’ alignment within the IGAD setting. One consisted of Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, and another consisted of Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia (El-Affendi, A. 2009). The first group are considered as allies of the West and trusted partners in the global ‘war on terror’. The second group face serious problems that make their inner unity precarious. For instance, the government of the Somali Federal State is dependent for its survival on the first group, therefore for tactical reasons cannot challenge the dominance of Ethiopia. Mogadishu’s TFG, following its formation in 2004 depended for its survival on Ethiopia, Kenya and the UN. Djibouti is completely controlled by Ethiopia and Western powers, since subsequent to Eritrea’s independence it is the sole outlet to the sea for Ethiopia. Sudan, because of its troubled relationship with the West, particularly the US, saw Ethiopia as conduit to its relation with the West therefore is in no position to antagonise Ethiopia. Ethiopia succeeded in neutralising Eritrea, effectively barring it from IGAD, and placing it under UN sanctions and diplomatic isolation (De Waal A, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2015; Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Polity Press, 2014). The civil war in South Sudan has created serious rift between Ethiopia and Uganda, where Uganda has begun seriously challenging Ethiopia’s dominance (Apuuli KP ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, 2015, pp. 120–45). The government of Salva Kiir perceived Ethiopia as siding with opposition led by Riek Machar that puts a wedge in the relation between South Sudan and Ethiopia. Later, however, Ethiopia seemed to have gone a ninety degree swing and tried to isolate Riek Machar (Hadra A, ‘Riek Machar denied entry to Ethiopia, returned to South Africa’, African News Agency, 23 November, 2016).
71 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, pp. 120–45.
72 Interview with IGAD Staff in February 2016, Djibouti.
73 Interview with IGAD staff in February 2016, Djibouti.
74 Interview with Western scholar in 2011, Djibouti.
75 Harrison G, Neoliberal Africa: The Impact of Global Social Engineering. London & New York: Zed Books, 2010; Henderson EH, African Realism? International Relations Theory and Africa’s War in the Postcolonial Era. Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015.
76 Adetula V et al., Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding in Africa: The Experiences of ECOWAS and IGAD. Policy Dialogue no. 12. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2016.
77 El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99.
78 De Klerk B, ‘Navigating conflict management: The case of IGAD in the horn of Africa’, in Adar KG & PJ Schraeder (eds), Globalization and Emerging Trends in African Foreign Policy, Volume II: A Comparative Perspective of Eastern Africa. Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Plymouth, UK: University Press of America, 2007.
79 Woodward P, ‘Somalia and Sudan: A tale of two peace processes’, Roundtable: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 93, 375, 2004; El-Affendi A, ‘The impasse in the IGAD peace process for Sudan: The limits of regional peacemaking?’, African Affairs, 100, 401, 2001, pp. 581–99.
80 ECCAS-SMI (Economic Community 0f Central African States-Crisis Management Initiative), The Principle of Subsidiarity: The Example of ECCAS in the Central African Crisis. A Joint ECCAS-CMI Publication, 2016.
81 Bereketeab R, ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012.
82 Samatar AI, ‘The production of Somali conflict and the role of internal and external actors’, in Bereketeab R (ed), The Horn of Africa: Intra-State and Inter-State Conflicts and Security. London: Pluto Press, 2013.
83 Chol JD, ‘‘You don’t own peace’: The Coward state, south Sudan and IGAD relation’, paper presented to the Policy Dialogue on Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding in Africa: Lesson Learned from the Experience of ECOWAS and IGAD, Abuja, Nigeria, 1–2 September 2016; Paul E, IGAD is Unfit to Mediate in the South Sudan’s Conflict, accessed 11 December 2018, <https://pachodo.org/latest-news-artcles/community-news/7-news/9328-igad-is-unfit>, 2014.
84 Sudan Tribune, Accept Ceasefire or Face Defeat, Ugandan Leader Tells Machar, 30 December 2013, accessed 12 December 2018, <https://www.sudantribune.com/spip.phh?articles49385>.
85 As evidence to this behaviour is, often cited how the international community abandoned south Sudan after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005, Ahmed AGM & GM Sorbo , Sudan Divided: Continuing Conflict in Contested State. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
86 Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Policy Press, 2014.
87 Ibid.
88 Ibid.
89 Ibid.
90 Apuuli KP, ‘IGAD’s mediation in the current south Sudan conflict: Prospect and challenges’, African Security, 8, pp. 120–45; Mengisteab K, The Horn of Africa. Cambridge & Malden: Policy Press, 2014; Bereketeab R, ‘Inter-governmental authority on development (IGAD): A critical analysis’, in Mengisteab K & R Bereketeab (eds), Regional Integration, Identity and Citizenship in the Greater Horn of Africa. Woodbridge & Rochester: James Currey, 2012.
91 Malinowski RL, Role of the Civil Society in Peace Support Operations in South Sudan and Somalia: The Component of Peacebuilding. Effective Strategies for Responding to Contemporary Conflicts in Eastern Africa. Nairobi: International Peace Support Training Centre, 2014.
92 Njogu K (ed), Citizens Participation in Decision Making: Toward Inclusive Development in Kenya. Nairobi: Twaweza Communicatin Ltd., 2013; Amutabi MN, The NGO Factor in Africa: The Case of Arrested Development in Kenya. New York & London: Routledge, 2006; Murunga GR & SM Nasong’o , Kenya: The Struggle for Democracy. Dakar, London, New York: CODESRIA Books & Zed Books, 2007.
93 Dallab AA, A Civil Society Deferred: The Tertiary Grips of Violence in the Sudan. Gainesville, Tallahassee, Tampa, Boca Raton, Pensacola, Orlando, Miami, Jacksonville, Ft. Myers, Sarasota: University Press of Florida, 2011; Berridge WJ, Civil Uprising in Modern Sudan: The ‘Khartoum Springs’ of 1964 and 1985. London, New Delhi, New York, Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2015; Assal MAM, ‘Civil society and peacebuilding in Sudan: Critical look’, Sudan Working Paper: SWP2016:2. CMI: University of Bergen, 2016.