Africa and the G20: A relational view of African agency in global governance

ABSTRACT

An analysis of the Group of 20 (G20) agenda with reference to Africa reveals that the region has received mixed attention across presidencies, underpinned by broad partnership initiatives such as the G20 Africa Partnership (Hamburg Summit). Calling for enhanced and concretised African engagement in G20 processes, this article analyses the potential collective agency of Africa in the G20 shaped by interactions with a range of actors, processes and the specific political and historical contexts that have framed its role and identity in relationship with the G20. Through a relational view of global governance, two case studies provide valuable insights into nascent understandings of the disposition and emergence of African agency in the G20, namely the Africa Global Partnership Platform (AGPP) and the Think 20 Africa Standing Group.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor

Faith Mabera is a senior researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue, affiliated with UNISA. Her research interests include the Responsibility to Protect, African diplomacy, foreign policy analysis, African peace and security issues and global governance. The IGD is a participating think tank in the T20 process and the T20 Africa Standing Group.

Notes

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47 Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), <https://www.focac.org/eng/ltjj_3/ltjz/>. For instance, at the 2015 summit in Johannesburg, FOCAC adopted the Johannesburg Action Plan premised on 10 cooperation plans in areas vital to Africa’s socioeconomic development including industrialisation, investment promotion, market access expansion, health, education, and peace and security among others. Furthermore, Chinese engagement with Africa has been complementary to the AU Agenda 2063 and the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, both adopted in 2015. FOCAC, ‘Xi announces 10 major China-Africa cooperation plans for coming 3 years’, 8 December 2015, <https://www.focac.org/eng/ljhy_1/dwjbzjjhys_1/hyqk/t1322068.htm>.

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58 Ibid.>; van Staden C, ‘The G20’s Africa problem’, Project Syndicate, Commentary 1 December 2018, <https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/g20-africa-representation-and-engagement-by-cobus-van-staden-2018-12?barrier=accesspaylog>.

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62 The Economist, ‘The new scramble for Africa’, 7 March 2019, <https://www.economist.com/leaders/2019/03/07/the-new-scramble-for-africa>.

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66 Ibid.

67 Cargill T, Our Common Strategic Interests: Africa’s Role in the Post-G8 World. A Chatham House Report. London: Chatham House, 2010.

68 Hayford P & A Kloke-Lesch, ‘Africa Partnership Forum evaluation report: A forum puts itself to the test’, 2013, <www.g8.utoronto.ca/scholar/APF-2013.09.18_Report_10.8.pdf>; Cargill T, Our Common Strategic Interests: Africa’s Role in the Post-G8 World. A Chatham House Report. London: Chatham House, 2010.

69 African Union, AU, ‘Decision on the report of Heads of State and Government Orientation Committee (HSGOC) on NEPAD’, 2014, Assembly/AU/Dec. 540(XXIII), African Union, Addis Ababa, <www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Assembly%20AU%20Dec%20517%20-%20545%20%28XXIII%29%20_E.pdf>.

70 New Economic Partnership for Africa, NEPAD, ‘Joint statement – First Plenary Meeting of the Africa Global Partnership Platform, 2015, <http://www.nepad.org/file-download/download/public/14301>.

71 The Banjul format outlines African representation at partnership summits. According to this format the delegation should be made up of the Chairperson of the AU; the Chairperson of the AU in the preceding year; incoming Chairperson of the AU; the Chairperson of the AU Commission: The five initiating countries of NEPAD (Algeria, Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa); the Chair of the Heads of State and Government Orientation Committee HSGOC and the Chairs of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs).

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73 Ibid., p. 1901.

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75 Ibid.

76 Ibid.

77 Ibid.

78 Transnational policy communities are cohesive (but not necessarily integrated) groups of professionals who have in-depth knowledge on an issue, share similar belief sets and policy interests, and have sufficient shared social capital to sustain their collaboration, see Stone D, ‘Global public policy, transnational policy communities, and their networks’, Policy Studies Journal, 36, 1, 2008, pp. 19–38. Transnational policy networks are more institutionalised type of a policy community.

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85 Global Solutions, Global Solutions Summit, 2019, <https://www.global-solutions.international/initiative>.

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