(Counter-) terrorism in Africa: Reflections for a new decade

ABSTRACT

As the new decade dawns, Africa remains a key frontier for terrorist activity with ongoing terrorist campaigns in Nigeria, Kenya and Somalia, among other places, while new insurgencies have emerged in the Central African Republic and Mozambique. This article provides an introduction to this special issue on terrorism and counter-terrorism in Africa, highlighting the need to review African response(s) to terrorism as the problem worsens. While Africa often appears to speak with one voice against terrorism, it does not act as one. Thus, it is argued that African states need to review their domestic and joint responses to terrorism, to allow for a more comprehensive understanding of (in)capabilities and how best to address them. With the backdrop set, assessments are undertaken in Somalia, South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria. The issues of terrorism financing and bioterrorism are also discussed. Collaboration and sharing best practices among peers on the continent are proposed.

KEYWORDS:

• Africa
• Global war on terror
• Somalia
• Nigeria
• Kenya
• Mozambique
• South Africa

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Greg Mills, ‘Africa’s New Strategic Significance,’ in Africa and the War on Terror, ed. John Davis (London: Routledge, 2007), 17–27.

2 Elizabeth Schmidt, Foreign Intervention in Africa After the Cold War: Sovereignty, Responsibility, and War on Terror (Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2018), 344.

3 Counter-terrorism is often regarded as the military responses to terrorism, while CVE is often regarded as the ‘softer’ non-militaristic approaches to terrorism that focus on factors such as the socio-economic drivers of terrorism. However, the international community’s acceptance of a CVE norm in (or about) 2011 has resulted in CVE becoming a ‘homeless concept.’ From this perspective, CVE can be treated as a mere puzzle piece needed to complete the greater counter-terrorism puzzle with the latter serving as an umbrella term. On the opposite end of the spectrum, CVE is seen as a stand-alone concept that should instead be married to preventative counter-extremism (PVE). PVE is a term used to refer to measures which are undertaken to prevent an individual from becoming sympathetic to terrorist groups while CVE is used to refer to practices that are focused on those individuals that have already begun to sympathies with terrorist groups. See: Stéfanie von Halatky ed., Countering Violent Extremism and Terrorism: Assessing Domestic and International Strategies (London: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2019); Michael J. Williams, Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism: Designing and Evaluating Evidence-Based Programs (London, Routledge, 2020). The authors wish to indicate that they are aware of this ongoing conceptual debate, and are electing to mention both CT and CVE in this article due to the need to acknowledge ongoing efforts by African governments and their partners (both in this article and the special issue as a whole) which may not be classified as CT. Moreover, the concept of CVE and its meaning in Africa requires more attention. Until greater contextual clarity is provided, both terms should be included.

4 Examples in this regard include the Canadian Journal of African Studies (special issue entitled: Boko Haram Beyond the Media edited by Melchisedek Chétima in 2020) and Security (special issue on Boko Haram edited by J Tochukwu, Ike E Onyishi and Alyious-Michael Okolie in 2020) and African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review (special issue entitled: Understanding Boko Haram’s Past, Present and Trajectory edited by Michael Nwankapa in 2021).

5 Alex P. Schmid, ‘Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism’, Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 2 (2004): 197–221.

6 Thomas J. Badey, ‘Defining International Terrorism: A Pragmatic Approach’, Terrorism and Political Violence 10, no. 1 (1998): 90–107.

7 Badey, ‘Defining International Terrorism’, 1998, 105 and 106.

8 Oladosu Afis Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11: Histories and Spaces of Terrorism in Africa,’ in Securing Africa: Post-9\11 Discourses on Terrorism, ed. Malinda S Smith (London: Routledge, 2016).

9 Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11’ 2016.

10 Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11’ 2016.

11 Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11’ 2016.

12 Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11’ 2016.

13 Ayinde, ‘Beyond 9\11’ 2016.

14 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, 3rd ed. (New York: Colombia University Press, 2017).

15 The OAU was succeeded by the AU in 2002.

16 Martin Ewi and Kwesi Aning, ‘Assessing the role of the African Union in preventing and combating terrorism in Africa,’ African Security Review 15, no. 3 (2006): 43.

17 Richard Iroanya, ‘The of the African Union in Combating Terrorism,’ Africa Insight 37, no. 1 (2007): 73.

18 African Union website on ‘Sustainable financing’, https://au.int/en/aureforms/financing

19 International Crisis Group, ‘What Role for the Multinational Joint Task Force in Fighting Boko Haram?’ Africa Report no. 219, https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/291-what-role-multinational-joint-task-force-fighting-boko-haram#:~:text=The%20MNJTF%20established%20a%20critically,force%20has%20brought%20some%20dividends.

20 Carla Martinez Machain, ‘Exporting Influence: U.S. Military Training as Soft Power,’ Journal of Conflict Resolution, Advanced online publication (2020): 22 and 23.

21 Stanley O Ehiane, ‘Strengthening the African (AU) Counter-Terrorism Strategy in Africa: A Re-awakened Order,’ Journal of African Union Studies 7, no. 2 (2018): 123.

22 Shewit Woldemichael, ‘Counter-terrorism in Africa must adapt to new realities’, (2020) ISS Today, https://issafrica.org/iss-today/counter-terrorism-in-africa-must-adapt-to-new-realities

23 Woldemichael, ‘Counter-terrorism in Africa must adapt to new realities’

24 Woldemichael, ‘Counter-terrorism in Africa must adapt to new realities’

25 Placeholder for reference from the Institute for Economics and Peace

26 Beth Elise Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States: Africa and the Counter-Terrorism Regime,’ Review of International Studies 36, no. 2 (2010): 639-662.

27 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 645 and 646.

28 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 647 and 648.

29 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 647 and 648.

30 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 649.

31 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 649.

32 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 649.

33 Whitaker, ‘Compliance Among Weak States’, 661 and 662.

34 Simon Allison, ‘Good Talk, Not Enough Action: The AU’s Counter-Terrorism Architecture, and Why It Matters’ (Policy Brief 66, Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, 2015), 1.

35 Simon Allison, ‘Good Talk, Not Enough Action’; Christopher Clapham, ‘Terrorism in Africa: Problems of definition, history and development’, South African Journal of International Affairs 10, no. 2 (2003): 13-28; Michael van Winden, ‘They Once Called Mandela a Terrorist’, eAfrica 2 (2004). https://saiia.org.za/research/they-once-called-mandela-a-terrorist/; Some examples include South Africa’s African National Congress, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola.

36 Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), 2012 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2012); IEP, 2014 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2014); IEP, 2015 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2015); IEP, 2016 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2016); IPE, 2017 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2017); IPE, 2018 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2018); IPE, 2019 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2019); IPE, 2020 Global Terrorism Index (Sydney: IEP, 2020).

37 At the time of this writing, Boko Haram consists of three factions, namely: Ansaru, Islamic State West African Province and Jamā’a Ahl al-sunnah li-da’wa wa al-jihād (JAS). For more detail, please refer to the article by Sven Botha in this special issue.

38 Steve Waklu, ‘Dynamics of Terrorism in the Multi-Ethnic States in Sub-Sharan Africa,’ African Journal for the Prevention and Combatting of Terrorism 6, no. 1 (2017): 103–26.

39 Ngonidzashe Marongwe, ‘International Terrorism Potential in Southern Africa,’ Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 38, no. 9 (2015): 776–93.

40 Blessed Mangena and Mokete Pherudi, ‘Disentangling Violent Extremism in Cabo Delgado Province, Northern Mozambique: Challenges and Prospects,’ in Extremisms in Africa Volume 3, eds. Alain Tschudin, Craig Moffat, Stephen Buchanan-Clark, Susan Russell and Lloyd Coutts (Cape Town: ABC Press, 2020), 348–64.

41 Makaita Noel Mutasa and Cyprian Muchemwa, ‘Ansar Al-Sunna Mozambique: Is it the Boko Haram of Southern Africa?,’ Journal of Applied Security Research doi:10.1080/19361610.2021.1882281

42 Lori Ann Post, Amber N.W. Raile and Erica D. Raile, ‘Defining Political Will’, Politics and Policy 38, no. 4 (2010): 670.

43 Boni Yao Gebe, ‘The Quest for a Union Government of Africa: Reflections on the Vision and Realities of Political Integration,’ South African Journal of International Affairs 15, no. 1 (2008): 41–53.

44 Johan N. Ugoani, ‘Political Will and Anticorruption Crusade Management in Nigeria,’ Independent Journal of Management and Production 7, no. 1 (2016): 72–97.

45 Patricia Agupusi, ‘The African Union and the Path to an African Renaissance,’ Journal of Contemporary African Studies 39, no. 2 (2021): 261–84. In this context, the term African Renaissance refers to Africa’s ability (via institutions such as the African Union) to hernance its political and socio-economic independence from the Global North.

46 Cyril Obi, ‘Nigeria’s Foreign Policy in Relation to the Economic Community of West African States’ in African Foreign Policies in International Institutions (New York: Palgrave,2018), 311–25.

47 The lead author of this article is currently designing a practically applicable theory to aid CVE programme evaluation in Africa.

48 Bart Schuurman, ‘Topics in Terrorism Research: Reviewing trends and gaps, 2007-2016,’ Critical Studies on Terrorism 12, no. 3 (2019): 466.

49 Michael Opondo (Software Development\Data Scientist, Jill Cannon Associates LLC), Interview by Sven Botha, October 2020.

50 Imrana Alhaji Buba, (Founder and Coordinator, Youth Coalition Against Terrorism-Nigeria), interviewed by Sven Botha, June 2020.

51 Sven Botha, ‘Radicalisation Via E-Jihad in the Era of Interactive Social Media: A Closer Look at Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram and ISIS,’ in Extremisms in Africa Volume 2, eds. Alain Tschudin, Craig Moffat, Stephen Buchanan-Clark, Susan Russell and Lloyd Coutts (Johannesburg: Tracy McDonald Publishers, 2019), 243–58.

52 Aymenn Al-Tamini, ‘Coronavirus and Official Islamic State Output: An Analysis,’ Global Network on Extremism and Technology, https://gnet-research.org/2020/04/15/coronavirus-and-official-islamic-state-output-an-analysis/

53 Craig Moffat, ‘The Global Health Threat to Human Security: How Pandemics May Set the Scene for Bioterrorism’ in Extremisms in Africa Volume 3, eds. Alain Tschudin, Craig Moffat, Stephen Buchanan-Clark, Susan Russell and Lloyd Coutts (Cape Town: ABC Press, 2020): 14 and 15.

54 Nimrod Raphaeli, ‘Financing of Terrorism: Sources, Methods and Channels,’ Terrorism and Political Violence 15, no. 4 (2003): 59–82.

55 Katherine Bauer and Matthew Levitt, ‘Funding in Place: Local Financing Trends Behind Today’s Global Terrorist Threat,’ International Counter-Terrorism Centre Journal (Special issue: Evolutions in Counter-Terrorism-Volume II: Contemporary Developments) (2020): 47–75.

56 Bauer and Levitt, ‘Funding in Place’

57 Bauer and Levitt, ‘Funding in Place’, 48.

58 Rorisang Lekalke, ‘Public Opinion on Security and Terrorism in Africa,’ in Extremisms in Africa Volume 1, eds. Alain Tschudin, Stephen Buchanan-Clark, Susan Russell and Lloyd Coutts (Johannesburg: Fanele an imprint of Jacana Media 2018), 36–80.

59 The authors wish to acknowledge that they are aware of the fact that women and girls may elect to return to Boko Haram after leaving for socio-economic or other reasons. Therefore, the phrase ‘post-Boko Haram experience’ is used to illustrate that Njoku and Akintayo’s article focuses on the experiences and plights of women and girls existing outside of the group.

60 Philomina Okeke-Ihejirika et al., ‘Beyond poverty fixation: Interrogating the Experiences of Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria,’ Third World Quarterly 41, no. 9 (2020): 1476–97.

61 Brandon Kendhammer and Carmen McCain, Boko Haram (Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2018), 148.

62 Kendhammer and McCain, Boko Haram, 148.

63 Thomas Dempsey, Counterterrorism in African Failed States: Challenges and Potential Solutions (Pennsylvania: Strategic Studies Institute-US Army War College, 2006); Ashley Elliot and Georg-Sebastian Holzer, ‘The Invention of ‘terrorism’ in Somalia: Paradigms and Policy in US Foreign Relations,’ South African Journal of International Affairs 16, no. 2 (2009): 215–44; Jakkie Cilliers, Violent Islamist Extremism and Terror in Africa (Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2015); Mathieu Bere, ‘Armed Rebellion, Violent Extremism, and the Challenges of International Intervention in Mali,’ African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 7, no. 2 (2017): 60–84; Marisha Ramdeen, ‘Countering Terrorism and Violent Extremism in Africa,’ Conflict Trends no. 2 (2017): 49–56.

64 The G5 here refers to a bloc of African states, namely: Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger, that formed in 2014 to address common challenges faced by states existing in the region. In 2017 the G5 formed a joint military task force to combat terrorist operating in the region. The G5 acronym should not be confused with the Group of 5 Bloc (Brazil, China, India, Mexico and South Africa) formed in 2005 to promote dialogue and understanding between more economically developed states and less economically developed states.

65 ‘Rwanda commits $1 million towards joint force to pacify the Sahel region,’ The New Times (Rwanda), March 23 2018, https://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/231552 The authors note that is worth mentioning that the rareness of this phenomenon is most likely linked to the fact that Rwanda chaired the AU at the time the G5 sought donations from the international community. As chair of the AU, it can be argued that Rwanda made the donation to lead by example.

66 UN Office for Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT), South-South Cooperation, https://www.un.org/counterterrorism/cct/south-south-cooperation

67 UNOCT, UNCCT Annual Report 2019 (New York: UNOCT, 2019), 124.

68 Yonah Alexander, ‘Counterterrorism Strategies: Summary and Conclusions,’ chap 7 in Counterterrorism Strategies: Successes and Failures of Six Nations, ed. Yonah Alexander (Washington: Potomac Books, 2006).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sven Botha

Sven Botha is, at the time of this writing, the Head Tutor and a MA candidate in the Department of Politics and International Relations at UJ. His MA research focuses on the evaluation of counter-terrorism programmes in the African context via a gendered lens. He is a member of the South African Association of Political Studies (SAAPS) and is also a former member of SAAPS’ executive council (2019–2021). Sven’s research interests include terrorism, counter-terrorism, preventing/countering-violent extremism, gender, diplomacy, foreign policy and early-career development in the Social Sciences. Sven has published a number of articles, book chapters and book reviews on his research interests and is currently working on the introduction on a number of new teaching and learning materials in the areas of Political Science and International Relations.

Suzanne E Graham

Dr Suzanne Graham is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg. At the time of this writing, Dr Graham is the Vice Dean of Teaching and Learning in the Faculty of Humanities at UJ. Her Masters research focused on terrorist waves and corresponding terrorist groups. Dr Graham is Co-President of the Regional Integration and Social Cohesion (RISC-RISE) Consortium headquartered at UJ.