Evaluativity in the Afrikaans Equative and Excessive Constructions

Abstract

Afrikaans has two degree modifiers translatable as “much,” “many,” or “a lot,” namely veel and baie. However, the default excessive and equative constructions in Afrikaans are te veel (too much) and ewe veel (as much), not te baie and ewe baie. This article argues that veel is dominant in these constructions because the atypical/marked status of te baie and ewe baie can lend these formulations a marked meaning. Specifically, this marked meaning is argued to be one of evaluativity, where baie in these constructions makes reference to a high degree, whereas veel does not. Native speaker judgements support this interpretation, but also show that baie can have a bleached meaning in these constructions, serving as a neutral substitute for veel. This possibility is attributed to a process of markedness shift, where because of its ubiquity in other degree-modification contexts, baie is inserted in the equative and excessive as well.

Keywords:

• degree modification
• degree semantics
• Afrikaans
• evaluativity
• markedness
• markedness shift