The Past under the Shadow of the Present: The Case of the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History

ABSTRACT

The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History, which opened in 2012, has been the focus of a heated controversy between the progressive and conservative camps over the “proper” ways to represent South Korea’s turbulent history. I build on the relationship between heritage, collective memory and national identity, and argue that the division that typifies South Korean society has implications that extend beyond socio-political issues. Anchored within a broader discursive context, the museum became an important memory carrier involved in the process of debating the issue of national identity. Although no agreement has been reached regarding the “proper” historical narrative the site should exhibit, the museum has nevertheless offered an opportunity to shape a form of national identity that can embrace a more complex perspective on the country’s contemporary history. At present, though, this contentious site has demonstrated the extent to which the legacy of the conservative–progressive divide remains deep. I offer a discursive context that is useful for the study of current debates over heritage sites in South Korea, while the overall analysis illuminates the idea that the “present-centred” management of heritage in national museums can, potentially, play a part in the process of forming more intricate notions of national identity.

KEYWORDS:

• South Korea
• National Museum of Korean Contemporary History
• South Korean progressives and conservatives
• museum
• heritage
• collective memory
• national identity

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the two anonymous referees and the Regional Editor for their input and valuable suggestions.

Notes

1. For a recent comprehensive work on the topic of collective memory, see Olick, Vinitzky-Seroussi, and Levy (2011).

2. A useful starting point for a more comprehensive acquaintance with modern Korean history is Robinson (2007). For good in-depth studies on civil society and democracy in South Korea, refer to Armstrong (2007).

3. There is a very large body of literature in both English and Korean on the Gwangju Uprising (or Massacre). Useful starting points include Lewis (2002) and Katsiaficas and Na (2006).

4. Between 1910 and 1945, Korea was subject to Japanese colonial rule. The plan to bring down the Government-General Building, which was built between 1916 and 1926, was formulated during Roh Tae-woo’s term. Also, between 1993 and 1995 a heated public debate ensued surrounding the project. For an in-depth analysis of the event, see Jin (2008).

5. For a well-contextualised analysis of the trial, refer to Saxer (2004).

6. Presidential elections in South Korea are held every five years in December. The president-elect assumes office approximately two months later.

7. Kim Dae-jung’s policy towards North Korea was known as the “Sunshine Policy” and was also pursued by Kim’s successor Roh Moon-hyun (president, 2003–08). For a survey of this controversial policy, see Levin & Han (2002).

8. For Kim Dae-jung’s policy towards Japan within a regional and an historical perspective, see Glosserman and Snyder (2015).

9. For more on the “Park Chung-hee syndrome” refer to Chin (2006 [2003]).

10. Another thorny issue related to the memory of Park Chung-hee is his “Japanese background”. Under colonial rule Park volunteered and served in the Japanese Imperial Army, and this biographical detail too often arises in debates surrounding how he should be remembered. For a recent study that illuminates this aspect of the controversy, see Kim and Fine (2013).

11. For more details as they appeared in press coverage of the events refer to BBC (2015), Kim (2015), Kingston (2015) and Power (2015).

12. The term is borrowed from Pierre Nora’s influential seven-volume work on lieux de mémoire (sites of memory) published between 1984 and 1992. For an oft-cited articulation of this approach see Nora (1989).

13. The official Korean name of the site is Daehan Minguk Yeoksa Bakmulgwan, which translates to the “Museum of the History of the Republic of Korea”.

14. The museum finally opened one week after the elections.

15. The title can also mean “70 stories/narratives of 70 years”.

16. The findings of this section are based on two field research trips I conducted in the summer of 2014 and the summer of 2016.

17. The exact number of Korean sex slaves under the Japanese Empire is not known, but the common estimate is between 100,000 and 200,000. On this painful topic, refer to Soh (2008).

18. On the 1876 treaty within its historical context, see Cumings (2005, pp. 86–107).

19. ROK stands for Republic of Korea, South Korea’s official name.

20. The remaining floors of the building are for offices, classrooms and a roof garden.

21. While governing the country between 1948 and 1960, Rhee employed harsh measures to deal with political opposition and amended the constitution several times to fit his interests. A popular uprising initiated by students in 1960 finally toppled his regime, which was also plagued by corruption.

22. Following Rhee’s fall, a rather chaotic attempt was made to establish democracy, but this came to a halt when a military junta led by Park took over the country on 16 May 1961.

23. Park’s nearly two decades of rule ended in his assassination by the head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency.