Women’s Political Participation in Post-conflict Settings: The Case of Timor-Leste

ABSTRACT

Tackling gender gaps in political representation is a key pillar of peace building and development interventions in conflict-affected environments, which has been addressed using special measures (e.g., gender quotas and reserved seats). We argue that although this is a necessary first step, these interventions privilege descriptive or quantitative indicators that may not equate to the substantive participation of women. Instead, a focus on qualitative transformation of deeply entrenched inequitable social structures is required. Our argument is illustrated by the case study of Timor-Leste, where control of political institutions is held by a small group of privileged, male leaders, legitimised by a rigidly defined social hierarchy. We argue that any special measures need to be accompanied by social change that provides equality of opportunity for participants within political parties, political institutions and electoral systems. By providing this analysis the article aims to contribute to the discussion of the ways in which gendered structural limitations can be better identified and addressed to promote more effective participation by women in politics in post-conflict settings.

KEYWORDS:

• Gender gaps
• gender and development
• political representation
• women’s political participation
• Timor-Leste
• Southeast Asia

Acknowledgements

This article has been developed from work conducted during the planning and design process for the ‘Public Perceptions of Women as Leaders Research Study’ conducted in Timor-Leste by Timorese women’s advocacy organisation Fundasaun Alola, the International Women’s Development Agency (IWDA) and Monash University researchers in 2018/2019.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1. Like other regimes of power, it constitutes the domination by elites without the necessity of force and violence through the socialisation of consent although the threat often remains (Donaldson, 1993). As Antonio Gramsci (1971) theorised in the 1920s, cultural hegemony is not achieved simply through active coercion, but through the socialisation of consent of the subaltern – in this case the subordinated gender category of women.

2. Since 2008, Timor-Leste has enjoyed relative peace and stability, but from 2004 to 2008 the country made world news with violent clashes between the state security institutions and assassination attempts on heads of state and government (Niner, 2020).

3. This programme was Women and Girls’ Participation (WoGiP) administered through a partnership between Plan International and local NGOs Fundasaun Patria and Asosiasaun Feto Nia Asaun ba Dezenvolvimentu Aileu (Aileu Women’s Association for Action and Development). Among others, Fundasaun Patria continued this work with a similar programme in Baucau in the lead-up to the 2016 local elections. They claim this resulted in the highest women’s candidature, with five women elected as Xefe Sukus in Baucau.

Additional information

Funding

This study is part of an IWDA multi-country study funded by the Government of the Netherlands through the Funding Leadership Opportunities for Women (FLOW) programme (see Alola Foundation & IWDA, 2020).