In May 2020, we announced the Health Communication special issue Call for Papers (“Public Health Communication in an Age of COVID-19”). The special issue was envisioned to include both invited commentaries and peer-reviewed articles addressing timely topics on COVID-19 public health communication. Given the overwhelming interest in contributing to the special issue, we decided to publish the invited commentaries and peer-reviewed articles in two separate issues. The invited commentaries – 12 of them – have been published as a Special Forum on COVID-19 Public Health Communication in the previous issue. The current Special Issue on COVID-19 Public Health Communication includes exclusively peer-reviewed articles – 13 of them – which were competitively selected from over 150 submissions following rigorous peer reviews.
The 13 peer-reviewed articles featured in this special issue address a wide range of issues central to COVID-19 public health communication, from determining psychological predictors of risk-reduction behaviors, identifying and testing health messaging strategies, examining patterns of COVID-19 information seeking and sharing, understanding marginalized communities disproportionately affected by COVID-19, to scrutinizing ethical implications of COVID-19 public communication. They employed diverse methodologies, including cross-sectional and longitudinal surveys, controlled experiments, qualitative interviews, ethnography, and case studies. Reflecting the global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the articles report COVID-19 public health communication research conducted in six different countries across four continents, including China, Israel, New Zealand, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
One of the fundamental goals of public health communication is to promote risk-reduction behaviors through effective public health messaging. This special issue opens with four strong empirical studies that examine the psychological antecedents to the adoption of COVID-19 risk-reduction behaviors such as mask wearing and physical distancing. In response to growing concerns about the prevalence of COVID-19 misinformation, Hornik et al., (p. 6) based on a nationally representative two-wave survey of U.S. adults, revealed that beliefs in the benefits of COVID-19 risk-reduction behaviors were better predictors of the adoption of such behaviors than beliefs in COVID-19 misinformation. These findings suggest that health campaigns will be more effective in promoting protective behaviors by emphasizing the benefits of these behaviors, rather than debunking unrelated false claims.
The second article by Kowalski and Black (p. 15) investigates the role of four psychological factors (i.e., perceived vulnerability, perceived severity, perceived response- and self-efficacy) in predicting COVID-19 risk-reduction behaviors. Their findings showed that perceived severity of COVID-19 and perceived effectiveness of risk-reduction behaviors (i.e., perceived response-efficacy) were the most important predictors of behavior adoption. Nazione et al. (p. 23) similarly found that perceived severity and perceived efficacy were significant predictors of COVID-19 prevention behaviors. Collectively, these results highlight the importance of emphasizing the seriousness of COVID-19 and the effectiveness of prevention behaviors such as mask wearing and physical distancing in public health communication aimed at promoting such behaviors.
Crowley et al. (p. 32) sought to understand the role of COVID-19 illness uncertainty and information management in predicting prevention behaviors. Results from a national survey suggest that the adoption of COVID-19 prevention behaviors is positively associated with anxiety induced by uncertainty, cognitive reappraisal (e.g., actively rethinking fears about the virus), and the tendency to directly seek COVID-19 information (as opposed to relying on others as information sources). The findings also indicate notable differences between young and older adults in the observed relationships. Crowley et al.’s research points to the potential utility of public health messages that encourage cognitive reappraisal and direct information seeking.
Designing effective messages to promote risk-reduction behaviors is at the core of public health communication. The next three articles address health messaging strategies for encouraging COVID-19 prevention behaviors. Riley et al. (p. 42) reviewed entertainment education (EE) campaigns in response to health emergencies, focusing on three cases of EE response to the COVID-19 pandemic from leading global organizations. Their analysis suggests that EE built upon engaging story telling is a promising, but often overlooked, approach to COVID-19 public health messaging. The authors provided critical insight into the inner workings of successful EE campaigns and offered recommendations for implementing future EE programs to combat COVID-19 and other health emergencies.
Semino put in the spotlight the use of metaphors in COVID-19 public health communication (p. 50). Metaphors are powerful linguistic devices that have the potential of shaping thoughts, attitudes, and behaviors. Through a comprehensive analysis of the metaphors used in COVID-19 communication, Semino discussed which metaphors should be avoided and which should be adopted. In particular, Semino argued that the “war” metaphor, an extremely common metaphor used in COVID-19 communication, has both strengths and weaknesses; it clearly motivates actions but can also lead to fatalism and attribution of guilt to people who succumb to the disease. Semino recommended using the “fire” metaphor, which evokes vivid imageries and an apt parallel between fire progression and virus spreading. Indeed, strategic use of metaphors opens up many opportunities for COVID-19 public health communication that have eluded research attention.
In an attempt to empirically test the relative effectiveness of different COVID-19 messaging strategies, Ma and Miller (p. 59) conducted an experiment to contrast the effects of messages centered on human agency (e.g., “More people are likely to contract the virus in the coming days.”) versus virus agency (“The virus is likely to prey on more people in the coming days.”). Their findings suggest that messages conveying virus agency could backfire, leading to increased psychological reactance manifested in perceptions of threat, experienced anger, source derogation, and counterarguing. The authors concluded that COVID-19 messages should emphasize human agency, which offers individuals a desirable sense of control, rather than virus agency, in order to achieve the intended effects of the messages.
To communicate with the public effectively about COVID-19, we must also understand where people get COVID-19 information, and why and how they search for and interact with such information. Several articles address these issues, notably during the early phases of the pandemic when there was much uncertainty about the virus. Tang and Zou (p. 74) gave us a rare look at how residents in Wuhan, China, where the COVID-19 pandemic originated, acquired and shared COVID-19 information and how their information need and use changed overtime during different stages of the disease outbreak. Avery and Park (p. 81) investigated parents’ responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and specifically examined how parents’ perceived knowledge about COVID-19 significantly shapes their perceived ability to protect their children (i.e., protective efficacy) and level of information seeking and scrutiny. Finally, Vanderpool et al. (p. 89) leveraged data from the National Cancer Institute’s Cancer Information Service to examine COVID-19-related inquires made by cancer survivors, caregivers, tobacco users, and members of the general public during the onset and continuation of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Designing effective public health communication is predicated on a deep understanding of the audience members the communication seeks to reach and engage. Ihm and Lee (p. 98) argue that traditional demographic factors are insufficient to capture critical audience characteristics shaping pandemic experience. Access to social resources (i.e., social networks) and media resources (i.e., media skills and usage), the authors found in a study of 723 adults in South Korea, matter significantly for mental and physical health during the COVID-19 pandemic. They called for future audience segmentation strategies that explicitly make use of these audience characteristics. In an ethnographic study of marginalized communities in New Zealand, Elers et al. (p. 109) revealed that some health communication interventions might have exacerbated structural inequalities, leading to further marginalization of disadvantaged communities. The authors advocate for a culture-centered approach to COVID-19 public health communication targeting marginalized groups.
Concluding this special issue is Guttman and Lev’s incisive essay calling attention to imperative ethical Issues in COVID-19 communication (p. 116). Specifically, the authors raised concerns about the communication of uncertainty, using threats and scare tactics, and framing the pandemic as a war, arguing these communication practices could lead to unintended consequences such as anxiety and government infringement of citizens’ rights. Other unintended consequences of problematic communication could include inequities, stigmatization, ageism, and delaying medical care. The authors also cautioned about messages appealing to social values such as solidarity and personal responsibility, suggesting such messages could lead to obfuscation of responsibility on the part of government leaders and result in divisiveness due the “free rider” problem. Guttman and Lev’s words warrant serious consideration as COVID-19 public health communication becomes increasingly in demand, with ethical challenges accompanying such communication under-scrutinized.
The 13 special issue articles and the 12 special forum commentaries being published is an exciting moment for the field of health communication, but this moment also arrives at a critical juncture in our nation’s and the world’s COVID-19 pandemic response. When we first announced the Special Issue Call for Papers in May 2020, the United States had 1.1 million cases of COVID-19 and 64,943 deaths associated with the disease. At the time of writing, the total number of COVID-19 cases in the U.S. has exceeded 10 million, with more than 240,000 COVID-related deaths. And the number of daily cases has reached a record high since the onset of this pandemic. Globally, COVID-19 cases and deaths continue to increase at a staggering rate and many countries are experiencing the worst outbreaks since spring 2020. Despite the emergence of encouraging news on vaccine development, prevention behaviors such as physical distancing and mask wearing remain a crucial pandemic response. We need effective, evidence-based COVID-19 public health communication more than ever to encourage and sustain protection behaviors, and to promote public acceptance of future COVID-19 vaccines that are proven safe and effective.
We would like to dedicate this special issue to the late Jennings Bryant. Although most people in the field are well aware of his monumental contributions to the study of communication, few probably know that this journal, Health Communication, was his idea. He pitched it to the publisher, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates (later bought out by Taylor & Francis), and suggested that Teresa Thompson serve as the editor. That was in 1986. Jennings was a brilliant man, a wonderful scholar, and a good human being who served others endlessly. Among his multitudinous contributions to the study of communication, this journal is but one. We know Jennings Bryant would be proud of the journal and the work published in it, including this special issue and the previously published special forum on COVID-19 public health communication, where health communication researchers come together to meet the challenges of overcoming a global public health emergency.
Finally, we would like to acknowledge the service of numerous reviewers who helped evaluate the special issue submissions thoroughly and promptly. Without their dedication, this special issue would not have come to fruition.
Reviewers for this special issue:
Eulàlia Puig Abril
Bradley Joseph Adame
Linda Aldoory
Agaptus Anaele
Claudio Baraldi
Ambar Basu
Erica Weintraub Austin
Young Min Baek
Rachel Bailey
Paula Baldwin
Joshua Ben Barbour
Michael Basil
Erin Basinger
Iccha Basnyat
Benjamin R. Bates
Christopher E. Beaudoin
Christina Beck
Mesfin Awoke Bekalu
Quinten S. Bernhold
John Christopher Besley
Cabral Bigman
Elisabeth Bigsby
Graham Bodie
Porismita Borah
Mary Bresnahan
Rebecca Katherine Britt
Natasha Brown
Kenzie A. Cameron
Heather E. Canary
Joseph Cappella
Nick Carcioppolo
Heather J. Carmack
Christopher J. Carpenter
Amy E. Chadwick
Jiyoung Chae
Chingching Chang
LeeAnne Chang
Li Chen
Hyunyi Cho
Myoung-Gi Chon
Sungeun Chung
Christophere Clarke
Marla Clayman
Kristen L. Cole
Charles Conrad
Angela Cooke-Jackson
Laura Crosswell
Timothy Curran
Kelly Dailey
Rene Dailey
Whitney Darnell
Bryan Denham
Amanda Dillard
James Dillard
Sharon Dunwoody
Hue Duong
Uttaran Dutta
Stine Eckert
Thomas Feeley
Edward Laurence Fink
Katherine Foss
Diane B. Francis
Fiorenza Gamba
Laura Gavioli
Anne Gerbensky-Kerbner
Christine Gilbert
Tamar Ginossar
Elizabeth Glowacki
Linda Godbold
Joy Goldsmith
Jeanine Guidry
Emily Haas
Stephen Haas
Lauren Hamel
Jee Hee Han
Kyung Jung Han
Joy L. Hart
Kelly B. Haskard-Zolnierek
Rachael Hernandez
Cynthia Hoffner
Avery Holton
Yangsun Hong
Guanxiong Huang
Jisu Huh
Juwon Hwang
Nicholas T Iannarino
Irina A Iles
Parul Jain
Jacob Jensen
Emma Jesch
Hepeng Jia
Shaohai Jiang
Xiaoya Jiang
Jessie Quintero Johnson
Karyn Ogata Jones
Hyoyeun Jun
LeeAnn Kahlor
Satveer Kaur-Gill
David M. Keating
Bridget J. Kelly
Shamshad Khan
Hye Kyung Kim
Jarim Kim
Seunghyun Kim
Sungsu Kim
Andy King
Melinda Krakow
Arunima Krishna
Stephen R Lacy
Maria Knight Lapinski
Chul-joo Lee
Edmund Lee
Ming-Been Lee
Seungyung Lee
Sewo Ting Lee
Stella Juhyun Lee
María E. Len-Ríos
Nehama Lewis
Ruobing Li
Jiawei Liu
Miao Liu
Monique Linette Robinson Luisi
Brad Love
Zexin Ma
Erina MacGeorge
Michael Mackert
Jennifer Manganello
Benjamin Mann
Lesa Hatley Major
Lourdes Martinez
Bonnie McConnell
Matt McGlone
Robert McKeever
Bryan McLaughlin
Margaret McLaughlin
Jingbo Meng
Corine S. Meppelink
Claude Miller
Ann Neville Miller
Maria Dolores Molina
Rebekah Nagler
Kang Namkoong
Xiaoli Nan
Lindsay Neuberger
Minh Hao Nguyen
Jeff Niederdeppe
Seth Noar
Sanghwa Oh
Yotam Ophir
Michael P. Pagano
Chong-Hyun Park
Hee Sun Park
Hyojung Park
Roxanne Parrott
Sarah Marie Parsloe
Josh Pederson
Wei Peng
Evan K. Perrault
Hans Peter Peters
Dyah Pitaloka
Brian Quick
Stephen Rains
Rachael A Record
Tobias Reynolds-Tylus
Sharlene T. Richards
Rajiv N. Rimal
Yonaira Rivera
Anthony Roberto
James D. Robinson
Katherine E. Rowan
Valerie Rubinsky
Charles Salmon
Jennifer Sandoval
Angeline Sangalang
Joshua Santiago
Melanie A. Sarge
Shaunak Sastry
Emily Scheinfeld
Courtney L. Scherr
Peter Schulz
Chris Segrin
Deborah D. Sellnow-Richmond
Sayyed Fawad Ali Shah
Fuyuan Shen
Jingyuan Shi
Weijia Shi
Xiaowei Shi
YoungJu Shin
Aditya Kumar Shukla
Jason T Siegel
Sandi Smith
Pradeep Sopory
Brian Southwell
Michael Stephenson
Laishan Tam
Naomi Tan
Lu Tang
Kelly Tenzek
Jagadish Thaker
Charee M. Thompson
Esi Eduwaa Thompson
Esther Thorson
Yan Tian
Benedikt Till
Scott Titsworth
Daniel Totzkay
Debbie Triese
Damian Trilling
Jiun-Yi Tsai
Jillian A. Tullis
Toni van der Meer
Maria Venetis
Julie Volkman
Emily Vraga
Kimberly K. Walker
Bryan Whaley
Erin K. Willer
Lillie D. Williamson
Jessica Fitts Willoughby
Christopher D. Wirz
Laura Witzling
Kevin B. Wright
Zhan Xu
Jill Yamasaki
Bo Yang
Chun Yang
Qinghua (Candy) Yang
Sijia Yang
Itzhak Yanovitsky
Tien Ee Dominic Yeo
Jesse W. C. Yip
Marco Yzer
Ni Zhang
Xiaoquan Zhao
Jie Zhuang
Rick Zimmerman
Heather Zoller