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Abstract
Social psychological research suggests that where police hold a theoretical view of the crowd in line with the ‘classic’ crowd psychology of Gustavé Le Bon this can lead to police practices that inadvertently escalate public disorder. This research reflects debates within the criminology literature which suggests that a primary factor governing police tactics is police knowledge. However, the existing research on the specific relationships between police theoretical knowledge of crowds and their practice towards them is limited by its reliance on post hoc data. This paper addresses this limitation by examining the role of police theoretical view of crowd psychology and their operational practice during a high risk football crowd event. The analysis supports the argument that when the police hold a view of the crowd as inherently irrational and dangerous they rely upon tactics of mass containment and dispersal. This study advances the literature by suggesting that this ‘classic’ theoretical view of the crowd is leading to missed opportunities for the police to develop more efficient, effective and less confrontational approaches to the management of public order during crowd events.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Case Award PTA/033/2005/00044. Thanks to the UK Football Policing Unit and to the host Constabulary for granting access for this study. Specific thanks to the FIO, Silver and Bronze Commanders for facilitating the research.
Notes
1. In England and Wales football games have traditionally been ranked in terms of A, B, C categories of risk to public order, where A is low risk, B is medium risk and C high risk.
2. Bronze Commander is the name given within public order policing command structures in England and Wales to officers who are in charge of implementing the tactical plan for the operation. There can be numerous Bronze Commanders in an operation, with different roles or geographic responsibilities.
3. (M=5.13,±1.321, t(38) = 7.695, p<0.001, d=1.23).
4. (M=5.08,±0.900, t(38) = 10.944, p>0.001, d=1.75).
5. (M=5.00,±1.192, t(38) = 7.858, p>0.001, d=1.26).
6. (M=4.85,±0.988, t(38) = 8.511, p>0.001, d=1.36).
7. (M=4.10,±1.021, t(38) = 3.687, p>0.001, d=0.59).
8. ‘Risk’ is a term police officers in the UK use to describe individuals and groups who are thought to be posing a threat to public order.
9. (M=4.38,±1.310, t(38) = 4.217, p>0.001, d=0.68).
10. (M=4.44,±1.373, t(38) = 4.258, p>0.001, d=0.68).
11. (M=4.67,±1.364, t(38) = 5.343, p>0.001, d=0.86).
12. (M=4.56,±1.273, t(38) = 5.220, p>0.001, d=0.84).
13. A box escort is a method used to move large numbers of people in a contained manner. In effect officers surround the group and enclose them in the middle.
14. A PSU is the acronym for police support group, which is a public order trained police unit consisting of three police serials (one Sergeant and six PCs per serial) and one Inspector in charge of all three serials.
15. NATO is the name given to police riot uniforms. These include protective clothing and helmets. In the current study officers did not carry shields with them.
16. A football intelligence officer is a officer who works specifically with a football club to identify and deal with risk supporters and also build relations between legitimate supporters the club and the police.
17. A police filter cordon is made up of officers standing in lines with gaps between them for people to pass through. A section 60a of the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act had been granted by the court and signed by the police commander. This was randomly enforced by collecting the personal details from a sample of the supporters at the station as they passed through the filter cordon.