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Notes
1. Some information contained in this article will be republished in Premo (forthcoming).
2. ‘I creoli, lungi dall'essere abborriti, erano rispettati, e da molti anche amat i … Nati in mezzo angl'indiani, allattati dalle loro donne, … e divenuti quasi un medesimo popolo,’ ‘J.P. Viscardo propone a John Udny [sic], que el gobierno británico ayude a Túpac Amaru desde el Río de la Plata … Massacarrara, 30 septiembre 1781,’ in Batllori (Citation1953, 206). All translations here are mine unless otherwise noted. In fact, I depart from Anthony Pagden (Citation1990, 128) in translating ‘popolo’ as ‘people’ rather than ‘race.’ Although I believe the term did connote something of a modern conception of ‘race,’ the term, close to the Spanish term ‘pueblo,’ denoted a people of common geographical rather than only biological origins. For the historical importance of Viscardo's letter, see D. A. Brading, Introduction, in Viscardo y Guzmán (2002, 5–7).
3. Cañizares-Esguerra's recent work (Citation2001) on the Spanish American Enlightenment, although primarily an intellectual history and not a study of either the Spanish state or local conditions in the colonies, makes a compelling case for the centrality of indigenous history in creole patriotic intellectual projects, inspiring some of my conclusions about the creole predicament.
4. For example, Brading (Citation1984, 409) writes that the Bourbon reforms ‘failed to form any true alliance, founded on common interest, with the trading sectors of colonial society’; Coatsworth (Citation1982, 36) claims that, apart from certain successful economic policies, most absolutist measures were undertaken by a weak Bourbon state; MacLachlan (1988, esp. 127–30) regards the Bourbons as possessing an inflexible Enlightenment ideology that clashed with the colonial reality; Stein (Citation1981, 7) notes that economic reforms were often based on inaccurate local information, thwarting Bourbon effectiveness; Walker and Guardino (Citation1996, 10–43) claim that state reform policies were undermined by ‘very human local agents’ and failed to break the political power of local elites, who controlled politics directly and indirectly; and, finally, Stein and Stein (Citation2003) argue that a burgeoning bourgeoisie in New Spain was the primary faction that undermined Madrid's (late) adjustments to imperial commercial policy.
5. Each of these elements can be found in a particularly illustrative piece of Bourbon legislation, a 1790 circular, or summary of royal orders, on children, the courts, and parents, ‘Relación de algunos puntos de consultas de Indias’ in Sánchez (Citation1794).
6. On the noble origins of members of the emerging enlightened public sphere in Lima, see Clément (Citation1998, 1:88). On Enlightened royal advisers in Spain, see van Kley (Citation1996, 7) and Noel, ([1990] 1993, 125).
7. On major changes in education in Spain, and the ensuing tightrope walk between the Spanish Enlightenment and reforms for the colonies, see Whitaker ([1942] 1961) and Domínguez Ortiz (1990b, 16, 211–23). On the Enlightenment, the emerging public sphere and reforms in Spain, see Herr (1958); Domínguez Ortiz ([Citation1978] 1990a, 488–89); and Pérez Estévez (Citation2002, 96).
8. El Maiordomo del Hospicio de Pobres del Cercado pide se le entreguen vajo de fianza … los Reditos de la Obrapía, BNP, C3466, 1791; Meligario, Disertación histórico-ética sobre el Real Hospicio general de pobres de esta ciudad, y la necesidad de sus socorros, Mercurio Peruano (23 February 1794); Proyecto Instructivo (1799); Expediente promovido ante el Superior Gobierno por el Marqúes de Zelada de la Fuente … y otros solicitando licencia para el establecimiento de unas casas escuelas … y la adjudicación de la casa habitación con el nombre de la Casa de los Pobres del Cercado, AGN, Superior Gobierno-Contensioso, Leg. 30, C. 940, 1799–1803. For the development of a similar institution in Mexico City, and particularly for the Bourbon king's concern that it specifically target youths, see Arrom (2000, 24, 46).
9. Libro de Reales Ordenes y Actas concernientes a la Expedición Filantrópica de la vacuna … 1802–1820, BNP, D 13105: Sobre establecimiento del hospital de pobres en el antiguo colegio del Cercado, AGN, Fáctica, Cercado, 180; Minerva Peruana (19 November Citation1805, 367).
10. Real Cédula por la qual su magestad funda un colegio de Nobles Americanos en la ciudad de Granada, Mercurio Peruano (26 August 1792).
11. All statements on demography are derived from a comparison of my analysis of a sample of 659 households listed in a 1700 city census reproduced by Cook (Citation1985) with the 1790 Plan demonstrativo de la población comprendida en el recinto de la ciudad de Lima, Mercurio Peruano (3 February Citation1791).
12. Sanción Prágmatica para evitar el abuso de contraer matrimonios desiguales in CitationKonetzke (1962, 3:404). The law states that minors of age should obtain the ‘advice and consent of the father, and in [case of] his defect, of the mother, and in absence of both, of their grandparents on both sides … ’
13. This interpretation is often repeated in more recent scholarship. See Chaves (Citation2000, 110–11); and Stoler (2001).
14. Real Cédula declarando la forma en que se ha de guardar y cumplir en las Indias la Pragmática Sanción, de 23 de Marzo de 1776 sobre contraer matrimonios, 23 March 1778 in Konetzke (1962, 3:438–42). The Sanction did provide an exception to the exceptions. Black and mixed-race militiamen who were minors of age—those ‘who distinguish themselves from the rest by reputation, good conduct and service’—were to obtain consent from military superiors.
15. For a detailed view of the regional reactions to the ruling see Saether (2003). Also see Consulta del Consejo de Indias sobre las dificutaldes que se promueven en cumplir la Real Prágmatica sobre Matrimonios, 17 February 1798 in Konetzke (1962, 3:759–66).
16. Before promulgation as a ‘pragmatic sanction,’ the ruling was issued as a cédula on 27 February 1793, and was printed in Mercurio Peruano (22 August 1793). Also see Rípodaz Ardanaz (1977, 273).
17. ‘Consulta del Consejo sobre la habilitación de pardos para empleos y matrimonies’ in Konetzke (1962, 3:826). Also note that, in his petition, the archbishop connected marriage legislation to controlling people of African descent, especially in light of the Túpac Amaru rebellion, which, he stated, was instigated by blacks ‘improperly titled mestizos’ (Konetzke 1962, 3:827).
18. The code is printed as ‘Instrucción sobre la educación, trato y ocupación de los esclavos’ in Konetzke (1962, 3:643–52), and as ‘Real Cédula insertando la Instrucción acerca de la educación, trato, ocupación, derechos, deberers, garatías, etc. de los esclavos’ in Cedulario (Citation1929, 299–306). Also see Watson (Citation1989, 49–50).
19. Real cédula expedida en Aranjuez, a 20 de enero de 1794, por la cual S. Magestad legitima a los niños expósitos, y les acuerde privilegios, ABPL, Huérfanos Antecedentes (hereafter H-A), T. 2, no. 5. The edict is also found in Para que se observe lo resuelto en fabor de los Niños Expósitos, 19 February 1794, AGI, Leg. 1543, no. 179. Also see Instrucción para el cuidado de los expósitos a cargo de los obispos, 3 mayo de 1797, RAH Colleción Mata Linares, Leg. CXVIII, fols. 351–61. Beginning in the 1750s, various governing bodies in both Spain and the Americas had made similar decisions that erased the presumption of illegitimacy. See Twinam (1999, 301).
20. Real cédula expedida en Aranjuez. ABPL HA, T. 2, no. 5.
21. Autos promovidos por D. Juan José Cavero, Mayordomo de la Real Casa de Niños Expósitos, a fin de que éstos pudiesen en su oportunidad ser admitidos al estudio de la Náutica en la Escuela de Pilotos de Callao, 1801, ABPL, H-A, T. 2, no. 10.
22. Autos que promovió el Dr. Don Juan de Bordanave, Rector del Colegio del Príncipe, sobre que a los alumnos del d[ic]ho colegio se les señalase sitio en la plaza mayor, para ver los toros y demás fiestas reales, 1788–91, ABPL H-A, T. 2, no. 2.
23. Dictamen del fiscal del Consejo de las Indias sobre admission de un expósito al exámen de abogado, 26 December 1805, in Konetzke (1962, 3:816–18).
24. Avisos, Diario de Lima (17 November 1790).
25. Avisos, Diario de Lima (16 January 1790). The advertisement reads ‘Cria con cria,’ highlighting the linguistic overlap between criado/cria (servant) and criar (to raise).
26. Among articles on childbirth and rearing see ‘Disertación en la que se proponen las reglas que deben observar las mujeres en el tiempo de preñez,’ Mercurio Peruano (5 June 1791); ‘Sobre las costumbres,’ Diario de Lima (12 June Citation1791; 15 May 1791); ‘Práctica general de la educación, y defectos que abraza,’ Semanario Crítico 2 (1791). Note that the advice on birthing was intended as a corrective to the ‘deplorable’ practices of midwives of the ‘humble sphere’ who normally aided in childbirth. Claudia Rosas Lauro (Citation1999a, 372) argues that women, and particularly mothers, were the prime audience of the Semanario. Also see Clément (Citation1998, 122) and Rosas Lauro (Citation1999b).
27. Juan Antonio de Olavarrieta, ‘Práctica general de la Educación, y defectos que abraza,’ Semanario Crítico 6 (Citation1790).
28. Olavarrieta, Práctica general, Semanario Crítico 2 (1791).
29. ‘CitationJustificación de la Sociedad, y del Perú,’ Mercurio Peruano 1, no. 49 (19 June Citation1791).
30. See Olavarietta, ‘Justa repulsa contra inicuas acusaciones … de la Real Sociedad Académica,’ Semanario Crítico, 5 (1791, 44).
31. It is critical to note that Terralla y Landa's poem was by no means the first European account of the perceived disorder caused by the use of slave wet nurses in Lima's creole households. In an anonymous Spaniard's description of Lima from the mid-eighteenth century, the author claims that ‘the Whites … find themselves forced to tolerate and many times defend the excesses of their slaves, either because of the money they cost or because the female slaves raise the children of their mistresses,’ Descripción de la Ciudad ([1774?] 1991, 287).
32. For a study of Mercurio Peruano's readership, see Clément (1998).
33. Eustaquio Filómates [Demetrio Guasque?], ‘Educación, o sobre el abuso de que los hijos tuteen a sus padres,’ Mercurio Peruano 1, no. 5 (23 January 1791).
34. For Richardson's Clarissa, see Fliegleman (1982, 28). On La Nouvelle Clarise as female utopian response to Richardson, see Johns (Citation2001).
35. Eustaquio Filómates [Demetrio Guasque?], ‘Amas de leche. Segunda carta de Filómates sobre la educación,’ Mercurio Peruano, 1, no. 8 (27 January Citation1791).
36. Filaletes, ‘Carta sobre los maricones,’ Mercurio Peruano 3, no. 94 (27 November Citation1791).
37. Teagnes [Fray Tomás de Méndez y Lachica], ‘Carta remitida a la Sociedad haciendo algunas reflexiones sobre la que se contiene en el Mercurio núm 94 en que se pinta a los maricones,’ Mercurio Peruano 4, no. 118 (19 February Citation1792). The phrasing in Spanish is somewhat nebulous: ‘Niño abandonado a las manos de su nutriz, o sea de su propria madre … ’ For hygiene campaigns against wet nurses during the Bourbon years in Guatemala, see Webre (Citation2001).
38. Teagnes, ‘Carta remitida.’ The separation of children from mothers was said to be practiced on the island of Celebes, in eastern Indonesia.
39. Brading (1991, 476) detects a philosophy of Indian equality in visitor-general José de Gálvez's reforms in Mexico, and a similar creole reaction to this idea, and Voekel (2002) outlines similar fault lines between the traditional elite and enlightened religious sensatos, who promoted nominally egalitarian attitudes toward death and burial.