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Notes
61 Perhaps there is no more telling example than the fact that as part of the program to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Constitutional Revolution in August 2005, a statue to Mirza Jahangir Khan, the editor of Sur-i Israfil, is to be erected in the ‘Constitution House’ (Khana-yi mashrutiyyat) in Tabriz. Iran-i Emrooz website, 4 August 2003.
60 For a moving account of the arrest and execution of Mirza Jahangir Khan, see Yahya Dawlatabadi, Citation Hayat-i Yahya [The life of Yahya] (Tehran: Intisharat-e Firdawsi, 1982), vol. 2, pp. 335–345.
59 ‘Tazallum-i jama'at-i nisvan-i Tihran …’ [The grievance of a group of women of Tehran …], Musavat, 1(18), 22 March 1908, pp. 5–6.
58 Musavat, generally considered by scholars as among ‘the most radical of all Iranian newspapers of the time,’ was founded by Sayyid Muhammad Riza Musavat, a constitutionalist and a member of the Revolutionary Committee, a secret society founded following the establishment of the Majlis, in order to support and consolidate the constitution and national assembly.
57 ‘Maqala-yi mukhaddirat’ [The ladies’ article], Nida-yi vatan, 1(70), 2 October 1907, p. 4.
56 For more on women's organizations, see Afary, ‘The debate on women's liberation,’ pp. 101–121.
55 For more on the women's role in the constitutional movement, see Janet Afary, ‘The debate on women's liberation in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906–1911,’ in: C. Johnson-Odim & M. Strobel (Eds) Expanding the Boundaries of Women's History: Essays on Women in the Third World (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1992), pp. 101–121; Mansureh Ettehadieh (Nezam Mafi), ‘The social condition of women in Qajar society,’ in: Elton L. Daniel (Ed.) Citation Society and Culture in Qajar Iran: Studies in Honor of Hafez Farmayan (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 2002), pp. 69–97.
54 ‘Rahmat bih kafan-duzd-i avval’ [Thank God for the first body-snatcher], Sur-i Israfil, 1(27), 29 April 1908, pp. 5–6.
53 While the identity of the contributors to the newspapers at this time remains largely uncertain, as articles rarely bore the name of the writer, the editors of the newspapers cited here can generally be categorized as liberal and pro-constitutionalist activists.
52 ‘Maktub-i Shahri’ [Letter from the city], Sur-i Israfil, 1(7–8), 1 August 1907, p. 13.
51 ‘Maqala-yi yiki az mukhaddirat-i vatan-dust’ [The letter of one of the patriotic ladies], Sur-i Israfil, 1(11), 22 August 1907, p. 5.
50 See, for example, ‘Raji’ bih vizarat-i ‘adliyya’ [About the Ministry of Justice], Sur-i Israfil, 1(11), 5 September 1907, pp. 2–3. This was a letter by a falsely accused young man who asked that his story be published in the pages of Sur-i Israfil since his accuser had refused to take the matter to court and the Ministry of Justice.
49 Anjuman, 1(38), 2 February 1907, p. 4. Quoted in Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, p. 152.
48 On the last page of the first issue of Sur-i Israfil a short paragraph announced the newspaper's unusual policy: ‘While in Iran it is the practice that newspapers and periodicals are sent to houses, without the subscribers [necessarily] asking or wanting them to be, this newspaper will not be sent to anyone. [Instead], it will be sold in public places, streets and bazaars by children. Whoever would like an annual subscription, should go to the Tarbiyyat bookshop, and let them know.’ Sur-i Israfil, 1(1), 17 Rabi’ al-awwal 1325/30 May 1907, p. 8. Shirafat, published a little later, adopted a similar policy. See footnote 40. Otherwise, most other newspapers took a different approach to attract a readership. Nida-yi vatan, for example, sent out its first two issues to various addresses, with the understanding that if the residents did not decide to subscribe, then those issues should be returned to the newspaper office.
47 ‘Maktub-i Qum’ [Letter from Qum], Musavat, 1(3), 4 November 1907, p. 3.
46 Part of the letter reads: ‘You journalists have made us poor [since] we spend everything we have on newspapers.’ ‘Maktub-i Anzali’ [A letter from Anzali], Musavat, 1(4), 13 November 1907, p. 5.
45 ‘Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, the satirist and regular contributor to Sur-i Israfil, conveys the general mood and the attitude of the people toward newspapers by telling the story of an old peddler and fabric-seller who dutifully came to the newspaper office every day to buy a copy of the paper. Since the office was not on the ground floor and required the old man to come up the many steps with his heavy load, one day Dihkhuda suggested that the man should not tire himself out and that, instead, he could take the newspaper down to him. The old man, however, was not too happy at the suggestion, replying with a sorry expression, ‘but what [will become] of the spiritual reward?’ Dihkhuda then comments: ‘Perhaps the old man thought that buying Sur-i Israfil was among the [religious] obligations, and reading it, like praying, carried some spiritual reward!’ Quoted by Sadr-Hashimi, Tarikh-i jara'id va majallat-i Iran, vol. 3, p. 138.
44 Although Nida-yi vatan announced from the outset that it would be publishing the pictures of the respected Majlis deputies, it did so only for six issues.
43 In issue 4, as part of its statement of purpose, Citation Ayinih-i Ghaybnama made the following request: ‘The distinguished spiritual leaders, respected deputies and the publishers of newspapers are especially asked to honor the [newspaper] office by sending one picture of themselves for the purposes of sketching.’ See Ayinih-i Ghaybnama, 1(4) (n.d.), p. 1.
42 See, for example, Nida-yi vatan, 1(2), 3 January 1907, p. 1.
41 ‘Mashrutiyyat-i Iran’ [Iranian Constitutionalism], Habl al-Matin, 1(8), 7 May 1907, 3–4.
40 Since its targeted audience consisted of common people, it also had to make every effort to be readily available. As a result, not only was it less expensive than the other newspapers published at the time (1 shahi per issue, as opposed to 2 shahis for Nida-yi vatan and Habl al-Matin, and 4 shahis for Sur-i Israfil), but it was also to be sold mostly in single issues, rather than through subscriptions. Citation Shirafat , 1(1), 1 March 1908, p. 1.
39 Kulah-namadi, literally meaning one who wears a felt brimless hat, figuratively denotes uneducated and/or unsophisticated country people. The ‘awakening of the kulah-namadi’ was stated as the aim in the first 12 issues. From issue 13, this phrase was slightly changed to the ‘awakening of common (‘avvam) and ill-educated (kam-savad) brothers.’
38 Not much is known about Aqa Sayyid Husayn other than the fact that he ran a bookshop also called Shirafat.
37 ‘Baqiya-yi muzakirat-i Shaykh Buhlul va Mulla Nasr al-Din’ [The Continuation of the discussion of Shaykh Buhlul and Mulla Nasr al-Din], Nida-yi vatan, 1(9), 9 February 1907, p. 4.
36 Citation Nida-yi vatan , 1(1), 27 December 1906, pp. 6–7.
35 According to Hasan Javadi, the use of a naïve and/or ignorant character as a means of satire was used in the Azeri weekly illustrated publication Mulla Nasr al-Din, which in turn had an influence on the Persian constitutionalist press; see Javadi, Satire in Persian Literature, pp. 136–174.
34 Buhlul was a semi-fictional character; that is, while based on a historical character in the ninth century, not much is known about him except for the fact that he was one of a group known as the ‘uqala al-majanin, or wise fools. However, what is more relevant for our purposes is the legend or the reinvention of the figure of Buhlul which finds its way into Arabic, Persian and Turkish literature as the ‘archetypal wise fool,’ although in these series of exchanges, in comparison to Mulla Nasr al-Din, Buhlul is cast as the more worldly and knowledgeable character. For more, see H. Borjian, ‘Buhlul,’ Citation Encyclopaedia Iranica , vol. 4, p. 319.
33 Majd al-Islam Kirmani (1872–1922) was an active constitutionalist, having collaborated on the writing of True Dreams (Ruya-yi sadiqa), a humorous indictment of the corruption of some of the Qajar governors such as the infamous Zill al-Sultan. Later, in addition to Nida-yi vatan, he founded other newspapers, among them Adab, Muhakimat, al-Jamal, and Kashkul. For more on Majd al-Islam Kirmani and his newspaper Kashkul, see Shiva Balaghi, ‘Print culture in late Qajar Iran: the cartoons of Kashkul,’ Citation Iranian Studies , 34(1–4) (2001), pp. 165–181.
32 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, p. 2 It should be added that this last statement, which in many ways contradicted the earlier assertions made in the same article, landed Sur-i Israfil into considerable trouble, and led to its temporary closure.
31 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, p. 2.
30 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, p. 3.
29 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, p. 2.
28 ‘Savad-i istifta’-i ast az Hujjat al-Islam Aqa-yi Akhund Mulla ‘Abd Allah Mazandarani … va javabi kih marhamat farmudand’ [The draft of a question that has been put to Mulla Abd Allah Mazandarani [together with] the answer that he has given/dispensed], Sur-i Israfil, 1(6), 4 July 1907, pp. 1–2.
27 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, p. 2.
26 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(12), 5 September 1907, pp. 1–2.
25 Shaykh Fazl Allah Nuri, along with 500 of his followers, took sanctuary in the Shah ‘Abd al-‘Azim shrine for some three months, between 20 June and 16 September 1907. During this period, he and his supporters propagated their anti-constitutionalist views by means of the publication of leaflets known as Ruznameh-i Shaykh Fazl Allah (Shaykh Fazl Allah's newspaper). See Martin, Citation Islam and Modernism , pp. 122–125.
24 Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, p. 187.
23 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(14), 19 September 1907, p. 4 The idea that constitutionalism had had a long history in Iran was expressed in different shapes and forms. For example, Malik al-Mutakallimin, a leading spokesman for the constitutional movement, in a sermon published in the first issue of Sur-i Israfil, related a story about pre-Islamic Iran and the mythical queen, Huma, to show that the principles of equality and justice (which to him were synonymous with constitutionalism), had already existed then. See Sur-i Israfil, 1(1), 30 May 1907, p. 6.
22 Editorial, Sur-i Israfil, 1(14), 19 September 1907, p. 4.
21 As pointed out by Sorour Soroudi, this may have been a result of Dihkhuda's conviction in the importance of colloquial language; see Sorour Soroudi, ‘Citation Sur-i Israfil , 1907–08: social and political ideology,’ Middle Eastern Studies, p. 246. For more on Dihkhuda's columns, see Hasan Javadi, Citation Satire in Persian Literature (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1988), pp. 83–84, 153–157.
20 For a discussion of the influence of the ideas of the French Revolution in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Iran, see Homa Nategh, ‘L'Influence de la Révolution Française en Perse (19e et debut du 20e s.),’ Citation Cahiers d'études sur la méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien (Paris) (1991), pp. 117–129.
19 Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, p. 25. ‘Abd Allah Mostawfi, a member of the foreign ministry posted to St. Petersburg at the time, claims the circulation of Sur-i Israfil to have reached 24,000 copies. He writes in his memoirs: ‘Everyone paid attention to Sur-i Israfil … I was not in Tehran to see the swarms of people wanting to buy this newspaper [Sur-i Israfil], but I, myself, in St. Petersburg, counted the days until the end of the week when this four-page [sic] newspaper would arrive.’ ‘Abd Allah Mustawfi, Citation Sharh-i zindigani-yi man ya tarikh-i ijtima'i va idari-yi dawra-yi Qajariyya [The account of my life or the social and administrative history of the Qajar period], 3rd ed. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi Zavvar, 1981), vol. 2, p. 249. Similarly, it is reported that a copy of Sur-i Israfil bought in Tehran for 4 shahis in the morning would exchange hands for several tumans by the evening. See Sadr-Hashimi, vol. 3, p. 137.
18 Mirza Jahangir Khan was a pro-constitutionalist activist and member of the Revolutionary Committee (Kumitih-i Inqilab) which was set up to further the aims of the constitution and the national assembly. He has come to be considered as a ‘journalist-martyr’ since he was among the first constitutionalists to be executed following Muhammad ‘Ali Shah's coup d'état in June 1908.
17 Editorial (no title), Citation Musavat , 1(1), 13 October 1907, p. 1.
16 Editorial (no title), Habl al-Matin, 1(1), 29 April 1907, p. 2.
15 The comparison between writing in a newspaper and preaching in a pulpit was quite common, since it recurs in a number of articles. See, for example, ‘Kashf-i khalaf’ [Discovering the illicit], Musavat, 1(3), 4 November 1907, p. 6, where the author writes: ‘… had the preacher not spoken of the misfortunes of the nation on the pulpit or the journalists not written about the flaws of the country, Iran would have certainly fallen into the hands of foreigners.’ See also Bayat, Citation Iran's First Revolution , pp. 168–174.
14 ‘Tawzih-i vazihhati kih ta kunun dar Iran bih khiyal-i an nistand’ [The explanation of the obvious [facts] that until now no one in Iran has been concerned with], Sur-i Israfil, 1(20), 16 January 1908, pp. 3–4.
13 See Majlis, 1(6), 3 December 1906, p. 4.
12 The first ‘independent’ newspaper that was published specifically to report the proceedings of the parliament was Majlis, which first appeared on 25 November 1906. It was published and edited by Sayyid Muhammad Sadiq Tabataba'i, the son of the pro-constitutionalist mujtahid, Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i. See further Vanessa Martin, Islam and Modernism: The Iranian Revolution of 1906 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1989), p. 104.
11 Among the privately owned newspapers, a successful and renowned weekly was Tarbiyyat (Education) published in Tehran by Mirza Muhammad Husayn Zuka’ al-Mulk between 17 December 1896 and 14 March 1907. For an article praising Tarbiyyat, see Sur-i Israfil, 1(15), 6 November 1907, pp. 4–5.
10 Among the influential Persian-language newspapers published abroad, four have often been noted by scholars. They include Qanun (Law), a gazette published rather irregularly in London, written and edited by Mirza Malkum Khan. Its first issue was dated 20 February 1890, although it is not clear how many issues were published in total and how long the venture lasted. The others include Citation Habl al-Matin (The Firm Cord), published in Calcutta by Mo'ayyid al-Islam, Sayyid Jalal al-Din Husayni, between 19 December 1893 and 9 December 1930; Surayya (Pleaides), published in Cairo by Mirza Muhammad Parvarish and Sayyid Farajullah Kashani between 20 October 1898 and 19 May 1900; and Parvarish (Education), also published in Cairo by Mirza ‘Ali Muhammad Parvarish after he fell out with his partner and consequently withdrew from Surayya, between 8 June 1900 and 25 March 1901. For more information on these publications, see Edward Granville Browne, Citation The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia , reprint ed. (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1983); see also Muhammad Sadr-Hashimi, Citation Tarikh-i jara'id va majallat-i Iran , 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Isfahan: Kamal, 1984).
9 Afsaneh Najmabadi, Citation The Story of the Daughters of Quchan: Gender and National Memory in Iranian History (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1998), p. 2.
8 For a summary of the early reformist ideas, see Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, pp. 25–29. With regard to the specific calls for the establishment of a Majlis, it is generally agreed that such a demand was raised only at the last and most intensive stage of discussion, namely when some 14,000 revolutionaries took sanctuary in the grounds of the British Legation in the summer of 1906, setting up tents and expressing ideas that had rarely been expressed before. See, for example, Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, pp. 13–138.
7 Majlis, 1(10), 12 December 1906, p. 3.
6 For an account of the events leading to the granting of the constitution, see Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution; Mangol Bayat, Iran's First Revolution: Shi'ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1909 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).
5 This phrase is borrowed from Robert Darnton; see Robert Darnton & Daniel Rose (Eds) Revolution in Print: The Press in France, Citation 1775 –1800 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. xiii.
4 Adamiyyat, Majlis, p. 144.
3 The phrase is borrowed from Israel Gershoni & Ursula Woköck, ‘Doing history: modern Middle Eastern studies today,’ in: Israel Gershoni, Hakan Erdem & Ursula Woköck (Eds) Citation Histories of the Modern Middle East: New Directions (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002 ), pp. 4–5.
2 For two different approaches to the constitutional revolution, see Faraydun Adamiyyat, Citation Majlis-i avval va buhran-i azadi [The first Majlis and the crisis of freedom] (Tehran: Rawshangaran, n.d.); Janet Afary, Citation1911 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).
1 'Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, ‘Charand Parand’ [Tittle-tattle], Citation Sur-i Israfil , 1(5), 27 June 1907, p. 7.