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ARTICLES

IRRATIONAL EXUBERANCE?

The 2010 NPT Review Conference, Nuclear Assistance, and Norm Change

Pages 389-409 | Published online: 21 Jun 2011
 

Abstract

The 2010 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) produced a Final Document calling for an extension of the principles of the nonproliferation norm as well as steps toward complete disarmament. This article looks beyond the rhetoric, however, to examine recent decisions by great powers to expand nuclear trade with non-NPT countries and the implications of these decisions on the traditional nonproliferation norm of restraint. This article seeks to contribute to constructivist theory by supplementing existing accounts of norm creation and establishment with a new model of norm change. The article develops a case study of the 2008 US-India nuclear deal to highlight the role of elite agency in key stages of norm change, including redefinition and constructive substitution through contestation. It concludes that the traditional nonproliferation norm may be evolving in new directions that are not well captured by existing theoretical frames.

Acknowledgements

An earlier version of this article was presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, February 17, 2010. I would like to thank Tom Sauer, Theo Farrell, Martha Finnemore, Isabella Alcaniz, Doug Shaw, Miles Pomper, Charles Glaser, Deepti Choubey, and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on this project. I gratefully acknowledge research support from the College of Wooster, the Henry Luce III Fund for Distinguished Scholarship, and the Elliott School of International A f fairs.

Notes

1. Barack Obama, “Statement of President Barack Obama on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference,” White House, May 3, 2010, <www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/statement-president-barack-obama-nuclear-non-proliferation-treaty-review-conference>.

2. Jane Harman, “The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty is Obsolete,” Wall Street Journal, June 20, 2008, <online.wsj.com/article/SB121391849561190295.html?mod=googlenews_wsj>.

3. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, March 5, 1970.

4. Ole Jacob Sending, “Constitution, Choice, and Change: Problems with the Logic of Appropriateness and its Use in Constructivist Theory,” European Journal of International Relations 8 (December 2002), p. 443; see also Paul Meyer, “Saving the NPT: Time to Renew Treaty Commitments,” Nonproliferation Review 16 (November 2009), pp. 463–72.

5. 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, “Draft Final Document,” NPT/CONF2010/L.2, May 27, 2010, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/legal/npt/revcon2010/DraftFinalDocument.pdf>.

6. Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” International Organization 52 (1998), p. 895. In a related line of investigation, Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink contend that three processes are significant for norm development over time: “instrumental adaptation and strategic bargaining, moral consciousness-raising, and institutionalization and habitualization.” See Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 5.

7. Tom Sauer, “A Second Nuclear Revolution: From Nuclear Primacy to Post-Existential Deterrence,” Journal of Strategic Studies 32 (October 2009), p. 752; see also Maria Rost Rublee, Nonproliferation Norms: Why States Choose Nuclear Restraint (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2009).

8. Daniel H. Joyner, International Law and the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 245.

9. Consistent with Finnemore and Sikkink's logic, domestic interests may sometimes trump prevailing international norms; see also Andrew P. Cortell and James W. Davis Jr., “Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms: A Research Agenda,” International Studies Review 2 (2000), pp. 70–72.

10. Elites here are defined as government officials who have decision-making authority to allocate government resources or to advise those who do.

11. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 895.

12. Richard Price encourages scholars to examine the “defining moment” when concrete problems force political actors to engage in “bursts of rich debate over appropriate forms of international behavior.” For the purposes of this study, nuclear assistance is defined broadly as including “civilian” assistance, such as provision of potentially dual-use materials, scientific know-how, nuclear power reactors or designs, or more direct, “sensitive” assistance, including uranium enrichment or reprocessing technologies, or assistance in weapon design or construction. The US-India NCA approves civilian nuclear assistance and gives India the right to reprocess uranium provided by other countries (heretofore reserved for a select few partners of the US government). Richard M. Price, The Chemical Weapons Taboo (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), p. 10; Matthew Bunn, Civilian Nuclear Energy and Nuclear Weapons Programs: The Record (Cambridge, MA: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, 2001). See also Matthew Fuhrmann, “Taking a Walk on the Supply Side: The Determinants of Civilian Nuclear Cooperation,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 53 (April 2009), p. 181; Alexander L. George, “Case Studies and Theory Development: the Method of Structured, Focused Comparison,” in Paul Gordon Lauren, ed., Diplomatic History: New Approaches (New York: Free Press, 1979); George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2004); David Howarth, Aletta Norval, and Yannis Stavrakakis, Discourse Theory and Political Analysis: Identities, Hegemonies, and Social Change (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), p. 6; and Jacob Torfing, “Discourse Theory: Achievements, Arguments, and Challenges,” in David Howarth and Jacob Torfing, eds., Discourse Theory in European Politics: Identity, Policy, and Governance (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).

13. Maarten A. Hajer, The Politics of Environmental Discourse: Ecological Modernization and the Policy Process (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 63.

14. See Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).

15. Alexander Wendt, “Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization 46 (Spring 1992), p. 392.

16. Alexander Wendt, “Constructing International Politics,” International Security 20 (1995), pp. 73–74; Alexander Wendt, “Collective Identity Formation and the International State System,” American Political Science Review 88 (1994), pp. 384–96; Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” pp. 887–917; and Jeffrey Checkel, “Norms, Institutions and National Identity in Contemporary Europe,” Arena Working Paper 98/16, Advanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State, University of Oslo, 1998.

17. Theo Farrell, “Constructivist Security Studies: Portrait of a Research Program,” International Studies Review 4 (2002), pp. 49–72; and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, Rules, Norms, and Decisions: On the Conditions of Practical and Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Domestic Affairs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); and Harold H. Koh, “Why Do Nations Obey International Law?” Yale Law Journal 106 (1997), p. 2628.

18. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 895; see also Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink, The Power of Human Rights, p. 5.

19. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 895.

20. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 897.

21. Ronald Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein, “Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security,” in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), p. 54.

22. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 895.

23. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 893; see also Martha Finnemore, “Norms, Culture and World Politics: Insights from Sociology's Institutionalism,” International Organization 50 (1996), pp. 325–47.

24. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 896.

25. Antje Wiener, “Contested Compliance: Interventions on the Normative Structure of World Politics,” European Journal of International Relations 10 (2004), pp. 189–234.

26. Jeffrey W. Legro, “Which Norms Matter? Revisiting the “Failure” of Internationalism,” International Organization 51 (1997), pp. 34–35.

27. Author's confidential interviews with former policy makers, and participant observation, Third Session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2010 NPT Review Conference, New York, May 4–15, 2009.

28. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 894.

29. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 904.

30. Wayne Sandholtz, Prohibiting Plunder: How Norms Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 3.

31. Indeed, other domestic actors and institutions may contribute to norm development and decline.

32. Notable exceptions that inform this approach include: Jacques E.C. Hymans, The Psychology of Nuclear Proliferation: Identity, Emotions, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Vaughn P. Shannon, “Norms Are What States Make of Them: The Political Psychology of Norm Violation,” International Studies Quarterly 44 (2000), pp. 293–316; and Etel Solingen, Nuclear Logics: Contrasting Paths in East Asia and the Middle East (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).

33. Ethan A. Nadelmann, “Global Prohibition Regimes: The Evolution of Norms in International Society,” International Organization 44 (1990), pp. 479–526.

34. See Ian Hurd, “Legitimacy and Strategic Behavior: The Instrumental Use of Norms in World Politics,” paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, February 28, 2007, p. 2.

35. Frank Schimmelfennig, “Rhetorisches Handeln in der internationalen Politik” [Rhetorical exchange in international politics], Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen 4 (1997), p. 220. This argument is partially consistent with Checkel's description of internalization occurring in two stages—the first being acceptance of legitimacy of central norms where leaders “act” in accord with normative expectations. See Jeffrey T. Checkel, “International Institutions and Socialization in Europe: Introduction and Framework,” International Organization 59 (Fall 2005), pp. 801–26.

36. Finnemore and Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” p. 889.

37. Jennifer Bailey, “Coalitions and Norm Stability: The Case of Whaling,” paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, New York City, February 17, 2009, p. 3.

38. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 1.

39. Mark C. Suchman, “Managing Legitimacy: Strategic and Institutional Approaches,” Academy of Management Review 20 (1995), p. 574.

40. Theo Farrell, “World Culture and Military Power,” Security Studies 14 (April 2005), p. 460.

41. Tom Sauer, “The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime in Crisis,” Peace Review 18 (Fall 2006), p. 334.

42. McKeown, “Norm Regress: US Revisionism and the Slow Death of the Torture Norm”; Jeffrey Checkel, “The Constructivist Turn in International Relations Theory,” World Politics 50 (January 1998), p. 325; see also Jeffrey T. Checkel, “Norms, Institutions, and National Identity in Contemporary Europe,” International Studies Quarterly 43 (1999), pp. 83–114.

43. See Fred McGoldrick, Harold Bengelsdorf, and Lawrence Scheinman, “The US-India Nuclear Deal: Taking Stock,” Arms Control Today, October 2005, <www.armscontrol.org/act/2005_10/OCT-Cover.asp>.

44. Michael A. Levi and Charles D. Ferguson, “US-India Nuclear Cooperation: A Strategy for Moving Forward,” Council on Foreign Relations, Council Special Report No. 16, June 2006.

45. It is notable that Bhabha and the AEC did accept some safeguards on some facilities, including the reactors at Tarapur and Rawatbhata, which were the first power reactors built with the help of US and Canadian designs.

46. Mario E. Carranza, “From Non-Proliferation to Post-Proliferation: Explaining the US-India Nuclear Deal,” Contemporary Security Policy 28 (December 2007), pp. 464–93.

47. See Ashley Tellis, “The Evolution of US-Indian Ties: Missile Defense in an Emerging Strategic Relationship,” International Security 30 (Spring 2006), pp. 113–51.

48. See Harsh V. Pant, “A Fine Balance: India Walks a Tightrope between Iran and the United States,” Orbis 51 (Summer 2007), 495–509.

49. Leonard Weiss, “US-India Nuclear Cooperation: Better Later than Sooner,” Nonproliferation Review 14 (November 2007), p. 431.

50. George Perkovich, “Faulty Promises: The US-India Nuclear Deal,” Carnegie Endowment Policy Outlook, Spetember 2005, <www.carnegieendowment.org/files/po21.perkovich.pdf>.

51. Bush, as quoted in Elisabeth Bumiller and Somini Sengupta, “Bush and India Reach Pact that Allows Nuclear Sales,” New York Times, March 3, 2006 <www.nytimes.com/2006/03/03/international/asia/03prexy.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=bush%20india%20nuclear&st=cse>.

52. Weiss, “US-India Nuclear Cooperation.”

53. “Bush Praises Pakistan's Help in Terror Fight,” NBC News, March 5, 2006, <www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11651039/>.

54. Condoleezza Rice, “Remarks of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the US India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative,” testimony prepared for Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, 109th Cong., 2nd sess., April 5, 2006, <foreign.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/RiceTestimony060405.pdf>.

55. Perkovich, “Faulty Promises.”

56. Sharon Squassoni, “US Nuclear Cooperation with India: Issues for Congress,” Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, RL33016, July 29, 2005, p. 4, <www.hsdl.org/?view&doc=48719&coll= limited>.

57. Glenn Kessler, “Nuclear Pact with India Gets Approval of House,” Washington Post, September 28, 2008, p. A6.

58. John Newhouse, “Diplomacy, Inc.,” Foreign Affairs 88 (May/June 2009), pp. 73–92.

59. “US House Approves Historic India Nuclear Deal,” Agence-France Press, September 27, 2008, <afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5h7nAg-NDcn1bZz-E10_dJ8t1QznA>.

60. Kessler, “Nuclear Pact with India Gets Approval of House,” p. A6.

61. Peter Baker, “Senate Approves Indian Nuclear Deal,” New York Times, October 2, 2008, p. A1.

62. Daniel Horner, “Indian-US Nuclear Trade Still Faces Hurdles,” Arms Control Today, January/February 2010, <www.armscontrol.org/act/2010_01-02/IndiaUSTrade>.

63. Participant observation of the Third Session of the 2010 NPT Preparatory Committee, New York, May 4–15, 2009.

64. Henry Sokolski, “The India Syndrome: US Nonproliferation Policy Melts Down,” Weekly Standard, August 1, 2005; see also Sokolski, ed., Gauging US-Indian Strategic Cooperation (Washington, DC: Strategic Studies Institute, 2007), <www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/display.cfm?PubID=755>.

65. Rice, “Remarks of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.”

66. Lee Michael Katz, “Counterproliferation Program Gains Traction, But Results Remain a Mystery,” Global Security Newswire, December 10, 2010, <gsn.nti.org/gsn/nw_20101208_8526.php>.

67. Lee Michael Katz, “Counterproliferation Program Gains Traction, But Results Remain a Mystery,” Global Security Newswire, December 10, 2010, <gsn.nti.org/gsn/nw_20101208_8526.php>.

68. Randeep Ramesh, “Indian Vote Clear Path for Landmark US Nuclear Deal,” Guardian, July 23, 2008, < www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/jul/23/india.nuclear>; and Somini Sengupta, “Closer Ties with the United States Could Cost India's Prime Minister His Government,” New York Times, July 20, 2008, p. A8.

69. Dennis Shanahan, “Canberra Approves US-India Nuke Pact,” The Australian, August 2, 2008, <www.theaustralian.com.au/news/canberra-approves-us-india-nuke-pact/story-e6frg6t6-1111117086479>.

70. Dinshaw Mistry and Sumit Ganguly, “The US-India Nuclear Pact: A Good Deal,” Current History 105 (November 2006), pp. 375–79. For a biting critique of this position, see Michael Krepon, “No Exemption for India: Nuclear Deal Undermines Non-Proliferation Regime,” Times of India, February 7, 2006, p. 28.

71. Scott L. Feld, “On the Emergence of Social Norms,” Contemporary Sociology 31 (November 2002), p. 638.

72. “Call for Expedited Work on India, US Nuclear Deal,” Daily Times, April 27, 2007, p. 1.

73. Somini Sengupta, “India Debates Its Right to Nuclear Testing,” New York Times, April 27, 2007, <query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C00EEDA163EF932A15757C0A9619C8B63&pagewanted=1>.

75. Siddharth Varadarajan, “Fall-Back Safeguards, NSG, Sequencing Remain Areas of Concern in Nuclear Talks,” The Hindu, April 26, 2007, p. 1.

76. R. Nicholas Burns, quoted in “The US-India Nuclear Agreement,” Brookings Institution Briefing, July 30, 2008, pp. 6, 7, <www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/events/2008/0730_india/20080730_india.pdf>.

77. R. Nicholas Burns, quoted in “The US-India Nuclear Agreement,” Brookings Institution Briefing, July 30, 2008, pp. 6, 7, <www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/events/2008/0730_india/20080730_india.pdf>

78. Rama Lakshmi and Steven Mufson, “US, India Reach Agreement on Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing,” Washington Post, March 30, 2010, p. A12.

79. “Toward a Successful NPT Review Conference,” transcript of workshop sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, March 31, 2010, Washington, DC; and Lakshmi and Mufson, “US, India Reach Agreement on Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing,” p. A12.

80. Lakshmi and Mufson, “US, India Reach Agreement on Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing.”

81. Peter Crail, “Russia, India, Ink Nuke Cooperation Deal,” Arms Control Today, January/February 2009, <www.armscontrol.org/act/2009_01-02/russiaindiacoop>.

82. Heather Timmons, “French Company Joins Indian Utility in a Deal for Nuclear Plants,” New York Times, February 5, 2009, p. B4.

83. “India, Mongolia Sign Civil Nuclear Deal,” United Press International, September 15, 2009.

84. Ashis Ray, “India, Britain Set to Sign Nuclear Deal,” Times of India, January 13, 2010, p. 1.

85. The commission was led by some of the most highly respected diplomats in the world on nonproliferation. It was co-chaired by former foreign ministers Gareth Evans (Australia) and Yoriko Kawaguchi (Japan) and included board members Hans Blix, Henry Kissinger, Michel Rocard, Sam Nunn, Hans van den Broek, and George Shultz. See Gareth Evans and Yoriko Kawaguchi, “Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers,” International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament, November 2009.

86. Quoted in testimony of Vann H. Van Diepen, “Hearing on the Future of US International Nuclear Cooperation,” House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade, 111th Cong., 2nd sess., May 6, 2010, <www.hcfa.house.gov/111/56335.pdf>.

87. “Addressing the Nuclear Threat: Fulfilling the Promise of Prague at the L'Aquila Summit,” White House, July 8, 2009, <www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Addressing-the-Nuclear-Threat-Fulfilling-the-Promise-of-Prague-at-the-LAquila-Summit/>.

88. Kim Ghattas, “Clinton Urges Iran to Fully Engage in Nuclear Talks,” BBC News, December 3, 2010, <www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-11917186>.

89. Sandholtz, Prohibiting Plunder, p. 3.

90. George Perkovich, “Nuclear Conference's ‘Incremental Success,’” interview with Council on Foreign Relations, May 31, 2010, <www.cfr.org/publication/22256/nuclear_conferences_incremental>.

91. Tom Sauer, “The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime in Crisis,” p. 334.

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