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SPECIAL SECTION: NUCLEAR STABILITY IN SOUTH ASIA

China's Nuclear Forces and Their Significance to India

 

Abstract

The Indian nuclear program is a response to a perceived politico-strategic threat from China as opposed to a military-operational one that New Delhi began after perceiving an “ultimatum” from China in 1965. Consequently, India is in the process of acquiring an assured second-strike capability vis-à-vis China to meet the requirements of general deterrence. While India has always been concerned about the Sino-Pakistani nuclear/missile nexus, China has become wary of the growing military ties between the United States and India in recent years, especially because of the military implications of the US-India civil nuclear deal. Given the growing conventional military gap between the two states, India is not lowering its nuclear threshold to meet the Chinese conventional challenge. Instead, India is upgrading its conventional military strategy from dissuasion to deterrence against China. While the overall Sino-Indian nuclear relationship is stable, it will be challenged as China acquires advanced conventional weapons that blur the distinction between conventional and nuclear conflict.

Notes

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2. George Perkovich, India's Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999); and Ashley J. Tellis, India's Emerging Nuclear Posture: Between Recessed Deterrent and Ready Arsenal (Santa Monica: RAND, 2000).

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4. Robert J. McMahon, The Cold War on the Periphery: The United States, India, and Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), pp. 272–304.

5. “Non-alignment Still Good For Us, Despite Invasion,” Times of India, December 6, 1962, p. 11.

6. Nehru's statement of December 31, 1962, cited in G.G. Mirchandani, India's Nuclear Dilemma (New Delhi: Popular Book Services, 1968), p. 22.

7. Nehru's statement of January 14, 1961, cited in Mirchandani, India's Nuclear Dilemma, p. 235.

8. “Tame Anti-Climax to Nuclear Debate,” Times of India, January 9, 1965, p. 8 emphasis added.

9. A.G. Noorani, “India's Quest for a Nuclear Guarantee,” Asian Survey 7 (July 1967), pp. 490–502.

10. Sumit Ganguly, Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 31–50.

11. See Garver, Protracted Contest, pp. 194–204.

12. Yaacov Vertzberger, The Enduring Entente: Sino-Pakistani Relations 1960–1980 (New York: Praeger, 1983); and Charles H. Heimsath and Surjit Mansingh, A Diplomatic History of Modern India (Calcutta: Allied Publishers, 1971), p. 171.

13. See Thomas Hughes, director of intelligence and research, US Department of State, to Director of Central Intelligence W. F. Raborn, July 21, 1965, enclosing paper on US-Pakistan policy problems, <www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB114/chipak-1.pdf>.

14. See the Pakistani Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's speech in the Pakistani National Assembly, March 16, 1966, in Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Reshaping Foreign Policy: A Collection of Articles, Statements and Speeches Volume 1 (Rawalpindi: Pakistan Publications), pp. 287–311, see in particular p. 298. The United States was also in favor of not escalating the war in the east.

15. For details, see Paul M. McGarr, The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 326–33.

16. Warning issued by the US ambassador in Warsaw to his Chinese counterpart. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXX: China (Washington, DC: Department of State, 1998), p. 203.

17. McGarr, The Cold War in South Asia, pp. 326–33.

18. O.N. Mehrotra, “Sino-Pak Relations: A Review,” China Report 12, (September 1976), pp. 64–75, in particular p. 60.

19. “[T]here is a constant nuclear threat with a whiff of blackmail inherent in standing capabilities and doctrines …”. See Richard K. Betts, Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance (Washington, DC: Brookings, 1987), p. 6.

20. For the full-text of the Chinese notes sent to India during the 1965 India-Pakistan War and the statements of China's leaders at this time, see R.K. Jain, China-South Asian Relations, 1947–1980, vol. 2 (New Delhi: Radiant, 1981), pp. 71–98.

21. For the excerpts of the 1965–66 annual report of the India's External Affairs Ministry, see “China Maintained Intense Hostility Towards India,” Times of India, April 8, 1966, p. 5.

22. Ashok Kapur, Pokhran and Beyond: India's Nuclear Behaviour, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 160; and Rajesh M. Basrur, Minimum Deterrence and India's Nuclear Security (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), p. 61.

23. This distinction may also have a role to play in explaining the gradual weaponization of India's nuclear program.

24. On China's missile program, see John Wilson Lewis and Hua Di, “China's Ballistic Missile Programs: Technologies, Strategies, and Goals,” International Security 17 (Fall 1992), pp. 5–40. For the complete list of China's nuclear tests, see “China's Nuclear Tests: Dates, Yields, Types, Methods, and Comments,” Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Updated June 1998, <http://cns.miis.edu/archive/country_china/coxrep/testlist.htm>.

25. Warren Unna, “China Woos Pakistan,” Washington Post, April 3, 1966, p. L1.

26. Ganguly, Conflict Unending, pp. 64–67.

27. Garver, Protracted Contest, pp. 207–15.

28. Raja Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage: An Autobiography (New Delhi: Viking, 1991), pp. 88–96.

29. “Blast: China Not to Make Issue,” Times of India, June 7, 1974, p. 1.

30. For the full-text of the July 5, 1974, report, see R.K. Jain, China-South Asian Relations, 1947–1980 vol. 2 (New Delhi: Radiant, 1981), pp. 156–57. Emphasis added.

31. “Chinese Policy and Practices Regarding Sensitive Nuclear Transfers,” Special National Intelligence Estimate, Director of Central Intelligence, January 20, 1983, p. 6, < http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/116893>.

32. “Chinese Policy and Practices Regarding Sensitive Nuclear Transfers,” p. 7.

33. Simon Henderson, “Why Pakistan May Not Need to Test a Nuclear Device,” Financial Times, August 14, 1984, p. 3.

34. R. Jeffrey Smith and Joby Warrick, “Pakistani Nuclear Scientist's Accounts Tell of Chinese Proliferation,” Washington Post, November 13, 2009, <www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/11/12/AR2009111211060.html

35. “Northwest Nuclear Weapons Research and Design Academy,” Federation of American Scientists, Updated 12 May 2000, <www.fas.org/nuke/guide/china/facility/haiyan.htm>. See also John Wilson Lewis and Xue Litai, China Builds the Bomb (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), p. 213.

36. Dawa Norbu, China's Tibet Policy (Richmond: Surrey Press, 2001), p. 245.

37. T.V. Paul, “Chinese-Pakistani Nuclear/Missile Ties and the Balance of Power,” Nonproliferation Review 10 (Summer 2003), pp. 1–9.

38. Seymour Topping, “Opening the High Road to China,” New York Times, December 2, 1979, p. SM1.

39. “China Stands by Pakistan,” Indian Express, July 30, 1983. The full text is available in “India-China Relations: July-September 1983,” China Report 20 (1984), pp. 59–65.

40. Simon Henderson, “China May Help Build Pakistan's N-Bomb,” Financial Times, September 29, 1986, p. 3.

41. “China's Nuclear Exports and Assistance to Pakistan,” Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Updated August 1999, <http://cns.miis.edu/archive/country_india/china/npakpos.htm>.

42. Garver, Protracted Contest, pp. 236–37.

43. Sumit Ganguly, “The Sino-Indian Border Talks, 1981–1989: A View From New Delhi,” Asian Survey 29 (December 1989), pp. 1123–35.

44. “Gandhi Interviewed on Foreign, Domestic Issues,” Al-Jumhuriyah, December 3, 1987. Available via Open Source Network.

45. For example, the Indian Defense Ministry's annual report for 1985–86 expressed concern with China's involvement with Pakistan's nuclear program. See “Documentation: China and South Asia,” China Report 22 (November 1986), pp. 549–71, in particular p. 549.

46. Amit Baruah, “Rajiv Gandhi Ordered Nuke Weaponisation, Says Brajesh,” Hindustan Times, May 7, 2008, <www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rajiv-gandhi-ordered-nuke-weaponisation-says-brajesh/article1-309364.aspx>.

47. Inder Malhotra, “India, China, and the Real World,” Times of India, May 28, 1992, p. 12.

48. Garver, Protracted Contest, pp. 355–64.

49. “China's Nuclear and Missile Assistance to Pakistan,” and “Chinese Missile Exports and Assistance to Pakistan,” July 2000, Center for Nonproliferation Studies, <http://cns.miis.edu/archive/country_india/china/mpakpos.htm>.

50. Sumit Ganguly, “India's Pathway to Pokhran II: The Prospects and Sources of New Delhi's Nuclear Weapons Program,” International Security 23 (Spring 1999), pp. 148–77.

51. “Nuclear Anxiety: Indian's [sic] Letter to Clinton On the Nuclear Testing,” New York Times, May 13, 1998, <www.nytimes.com/1998/05/13/world/nuclear-anxiety-indian-s-letter-to-clinton-on-the-nuclear-testing.html>.

52. Susan L. Shirk, “One-Sided Rivalry: China's Perceptions and Policies toward India,” in Francine R. Frankel and Harry Harding, eds., The India-China Relationship (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004) pp. 82–85.

53. “China to consider resuming tests if nuclear arms tension between India and Pakistan worsens,” South China Morning Post, June 2, 1998.

54. Jasjit Singh, “Indian Air Power,” in John Andreas Olsen, ed., Global Air Power (Washington, DC: Potomac, 2011), pp. 219–58, see in particular p. 248; and Srikanth Kondapalli, “China's Satellite Killer: Should India Worry,” Rediff, January 24, 2007, <www.rediff.com/news/2007/jan/24guest.htm>.

55. David Shambaugh, “The Insecurity of Security: The PLA's Evolving Doctrine and Threat Perceptions Towards 2000,” Journal of Northeast Asian Studies 13 (Spring 1994), pp. 3–25, in particular pp. 20–21. While Chinese analysts did toy with the idea of tactical nuclear weapons in the 1980s, there is no credible evidence that China possesses these weapons today.

56. See “Draft Report of National Security Advisory Board on Indian Nuclear Doctrine,” Ministry of External Affairs (India), August 17, 1999, <www.mea.gov.in/in-focus-article.htm?18916/Draft+Report+of+National+Security+Advisory+Board+on+Indian+Nuclear+Doctrine>; and Prime Minister's Office, “Cabinet Committee on Security Reviews Progress in Operationalizing India's Nuclear Doctrine,” January 4, 2003, <http://pib.nic.in/archieve/lreleng/lyr2003/rjan2003/04012003/r040120033.html>.

57. The 2003 modifications to the 1999 draft diluted India's no-first-use posture, connoting India's willingness to retaliate with nuclear weapons if Indian territory or Indian forces are attacked by biological or chemical weapons.

58. “Cabinet Committee on Security Reviews Progress in Operationalizing India's Nuclear Doctrine.”

59. “India Not to Engage in N-Arms Race: Jaswant,” Hindu, November 29, 1999, p. 1.

60. Gaurav Kampani, “India: The Challenges of Nuclear Operationalization and Strategic Stability,” in Ashley J. Tellis, Abraham M. Denmark, and Travis Tanner, ed., Strategic Asia 2013–14: Asia in the Second Nuclear Age (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, 2013), pp. 98–128.

61. For example, see Sachin Parashar, “Pokhran II Not Fully Successful: Scientist,” Times of India, August 27, 2009, <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Pokhran-II-not-fully-successful-Scientist/articleshow/4938610.cms>.

62. Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Global Nuclear Inventories, 1945–2013,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 69 (September 2013), pp. 75–81.

63. Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu and Jing-dong Yuan, China and India: Cooperation or Conflict? (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2003), p. 38 (endnote 43).

64. Jeffrey Lewis, “China's Nuclear Modernization: Surprise, Restraint, and Uncertainty,” in Tellis, Denmark, and Tanner, Strategic Asia 2013–14, p. 91; and Fiona Cunningham and Rory Medcalf, “The Dangers of Denial: Nuclear Weapons in China-India Relations,” Lowy Institute, October 2011 <www.lowyinstitute.org/files/pubfiles/Cunningham_and_Medcalf%2C_The_dangers_of_denial_web.pdf>. At the same time, Indian analysts also worry that the older generation of Chinese missiles and nuclear warheads are being redeployed to target India. See P.K. Singh, “Thinking Beyond Nuclear Doctrine and Strategy: The View From India,” in Lora Saalman, ed., The China-India Nuclear Crossroads (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2012), Kindle edition, location 608.

65. For the classic treatment of this concept, see McGeorge Bundy, “Existential Deterrence and Its Consequences,” in Douglas MacLean, ed., The Security Gamble: Deterrence Dilemmas in the Nuclear Age (Totowa: Rowman and Allenheld, 1984), pp. 3–13.

66. Muthiah Alagappa, “Nuclear Weapons and National Security: Far Reaching Influence and Deterrence Dominance,” in Muthiah Alagappa, ed., The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), p. 496.

67. Rakesh Krishnan Simha, “How the Su-30 MKI is changing the IAF's combat strategy,” Russia & India Report, January 5, 2014, <http://indrus.in/blogs/2014/01/05/how_the_su-30_mki_is_changing_the_iafs_combat_strategy_32099.html>.

68. By themselves, Indian nuclear-capable aircraft may be able to hit some targets in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces. India's fleet of six Russian-built Ilyushin Il-78 midair refueling aircraft can potentially double the range of these aircraft. However, it is not clear if they will be able to perform their mission within Chinese airspace. The deployment of airborne early warning aircraft along with the fighter and refueling aircraft may complicate the operation but may enable India to actually hit targets in the Chinese heartland.

69. China is believed to have a larger inventory of advanced fighter aircraft than the total number of fighter aircraft in the Indian air force. On the Chinese air force, see Andrew S. Erickson, “China's Modernization of its Naval and Air Power Capabilities,” in Ashley J. Tellis and Travis Tanner, eds., Strategic Asia 2012–13: China's Military Modernization (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, 2012), Kindle edition.

70. Some targets in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces may be within the reach of this missile.

71. “Chinese Reactions to India's Agni-V Test Firing,” ICS Analysis, No. 4, Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi, May 2012; “Agni-5 to be ready for induction in armed forces by next year,” Indian Express, February 7, 2014, <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Agni-5-to-be-ready-for-induction-in-armed-forces-by-next-year/articleshow/29994121.cms>.

72. Rajat Pandit, “India's first nuclear submarine and ICBM will be ready for induction next year, DRDO,” Times of India, February 8, 2014, <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indias-first-nuclear-submarine-and-ICBM-will-be-ready-for-induction-next-year-DRDO/articleshow/30019630.cms>.

73. Y. Mallikarjun and T.S. Subramanian, “India Successfully Test-Fires Underwater Missile,” Hindu, January 27, 2013, <www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-successfully-testfires-underwater-missile/article4350553.ec>.

74. This will also raise the politically sensitive question of India's nuclear-armed submarines having to traverse through the waters of Southeast Asia before being deployed along China's coast.

75. On general versus immediate deterrence, see Patrick M. Morgan, Deterrence Now (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 80–115.

76. M. Taylor Fravel and Evan S. Medeiros, “China's Search for Assured Retaliation: The Evolution of Chinese Nuclear Strategy and Force Structure,” International Security 35 (Fall 2010), p. 54.

77. Lewis, “China's Nuclear Modernization,” p. 76.

78. Ming Zhang, China's Changing Nuclear Posture: Reactions to the South Asian Nuclear Tests (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1999), pp. 26–27.

79. Lora Saalman, “Conclusion: Comparing the Comparable,” in Saalman, The China-India Nuclear Crossroads, location 2958.

80. Lewis, “China's Nuclear Modernization,” p. 80.

81. Christopher P. Twomey, “Asia's Complex Strategic Environment: Nuclear Multipolarity and Other Dangers,” Asia Policy 11 (January 2011), p. 63.

82. Mark A. Stokes, “The Second Artillery Force and the Future of Long-Range Precision Strike,” in Tellis and Tanner, Strategic Asia 2012–13, location 2650.

83. Twomey, “Asia's Complex Strategic Environment,” p. 64.

84. At merely two percent of its GDP, China spent $166.1 billion on defense in 2012 compared to India's $46.1 billion at two-and-a-half percent of its GDP. See SIPRI Military Expenditure Database available online at <www.sipri.org/research/armaments/milex/milex_database>.

85. Monika Chansoria, “China's Infrastructure Development in Tibet: Evaluating Trendlines,” Manekshaw Paper 32 (Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi, 2011, <http://www.claws.in/images/publication_pdf/1317312941MP%2032%20inside.pdf>. “China's National Defense in 2010,” Information Office of the State Council, Beijing, 2011, <http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-03/31/c_13806851.htm>.

86. Suman Sharma, “China's War Plan,” Open, April 10, 2010, <www.openthemagazine.com/article/nation/china-s-war-plan>.

87. “India Evaluating China's Military Exercises in Tibet,” Hindu, August 26, 2012, <www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-evaluating-chinas-military-exercises-in-tibet/article3824862.ece>.

88. Rajeev Sharma, “How India is preparing to counter the China threat,” Firstpost, February 16, 2013. <www.firstpost.com/world/how-india-is-preparing-to-counter-the-china-threat-627754.html>.

89. Rajat Pandit, “Army kicks off raising new mountain strike corps against China,” Times of India, January 9, 2014, <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Army-kicks-off-raising-new-mountain-strike-corps-against-China/articleshow/28571907.cms>.

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91. Gurmeet Kanwal, “India's Military Modernization: Plans and Strategic Underpinning,” Policy Brief, National Bureau of Asian Research, September 2012, <www.nbr.org/research/activity.aspx?id=275>; and Arun Sahgal, “China's Military Modernization,” in Tellis and Tanner, Strategic Asia 2012–13, pp. 1–8.

92. Sandeep Unnithan, “The ChiPak Threat,” India Today, October 23, 2010, <http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/the-chipak-threat/1/117399.html>.

93. “Background Briefing by Administration Officials on U.S.-South Asia Relations,” US Department of State, March 25, 2005, <www.fas.org/terrorism/at/docs/2005/StatePressConfer25mar05.htm>.

94. “Report to the Congress on U.S.-India Security Cooperation,” US Department of Defense, November 2011, p. 3; and Richard L. Armitage, R. Nicholas Burns, and Richard Fontaine, “Natural Allies: A Blueprint for the Future of U.S.-India Relations,” Center for a New American Security, October 2010, p. 5, <www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_Natural%20Allies_ArmitageBurnsFontaine.pdf>. See also John Ryan, “China and Indo-U.S. Relations: An Emerging Triangle? An Interview with Shivshankar Menon,” The National Bureau of Asian Research, June 26, 2015, <www.nbr.org/research/activity.aspx?id=582>.

95. Interestingly, this base was developed by the United States during World War II for “over the hump” operations against the Japanese in China. Jayanta Gupta, “Panagarh gears up for role in Arunachal's defence,” Times of India, September 4, 2013, <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/Panagarh-gears-up-for-role-in-Arunachals-defence/articleshow/22298938.cms>.

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97. Tien-sze Fang, Asymmetrical Threat Perceptions in India-China Relations (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 42–47; Ashley J. Tellis, “The China-Pakistan Nuclear ‘Deal’: Separating Fact from Fiction,” Policy Outlook, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, July 16, 2010, <http://carnegieendowment.org/2010/07/16/china-pakistan-nuclear-deal-separating-fact-from-fiction>.

98. John W. Garver, “The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests,” China Quarterly 168 (December 2001), pp. 865–89, see especially p. 874.

99. Yao Yunzhu, “Linking Strategic Stability and Ballistic Missile Defense: The View from China,” in Saalman, The China-India Nuclear Crossroads, location 1184.

100. Michael P. Pillsbury, “An Assessment of China's Anti-Satellite and Space Warfare Programs, Policies and Doctrines,” Report submitted to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, January 19, 2007, <www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/An%20Assessment%20of%20China's%20Anti-Satellite%20And%20Space%20Warfare%20Programs.pdf>; and “China Tests Hypersonic Missile Vehicle,” Guardian, January 16, 2014.

101. M. Elaine Bunn and Vincent A. Manzo, “Conventional Prompt Global Strike: Strategic Asset or Unusable Liability?,” Strategic Forum (Institute for National Strategic Studies), February 2011, <http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/110201_manzo_sf_263.pdf>.

102. Bharath Gopalaswamy and Gaurav Kampani, “Piggybacking Anti-Satellite Technologies on Ballistic Missile Defense: India's Hedge and Demonstrate Approach,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, April 19, 2011, <http://carnegieendowment.org/2011/04/19/piggybacking-anti-satellite-technologies-on-ballistic-missile-defense-india-s-hedge-and-demonstrate-approach/3l6>.

103. “India, China agree on host of defence cooperation measures,” Times of India, February 24, 2014.

104. Most recently, the two sides signed the Border Defense Cooperation Agreement in 2013.

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