City Politics and Black Protest: The Economic Transformation of Harlem and Bronzeville

Abstract

Can metropolitan political systems affect the level of Black-led protest politics? While researchers stress the importance of individual-level socio-economic status, others contend that a city's political landscape is an influential force in determining political engagement.Using a comparative ethnographic approach, this study explores how the distinct political situations in New York City (NYC) and Chicago relate to the proliferation of protest politics concerning displacement in two revitalizing African American communities. Harlem in NYC and Bronzeville in Chicago are currently experiencing major economic transformations. After middle-class flight and years of economic abandonment, these areas are experiencing an influx of commercial and residential investment, rapidly changing them from low to more mixed-income environments. Despite a substantial amount of positive media attention, there is little community consensus about the redevelopment that is occurring, since it is associated with displacement. Although these communities have similar socio-economic characteristics, the extent of protest politics stemming from these areas is vastly disparate; activism is much more pervasive in Harlem. NYC and Chicago have drastically different political landscapes; NYC's political system is fragmented and characterized as pluralistic, while Chicago has a centralized political machine. NYC's diverse political system facilitates contested politics while Chicago's monolithic party machine is associated with limited Black-led opposition. This study contributes to the notion that structural forces emanating from the city level strongly influence African American community politics.

Keywords:

• city politics
• civic engagement
• neighborhood revitalization

I acknowledge Vincent Carretta, Allison Deschamps Hyra, and the participants of the Reproduction of Race and Racial Ideologies Workshop at the University of Chicago, whose critical feedback improved this article. In addition, I thank the Rockefeller Foundation, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, the Social Science Research Council's Program in Applied Economics and the Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture for supporting this research. Views expressed do not necessary represent those of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Notes

∗Douglas and Grand Boulevard community districts.

Census data.

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1. Due to high levels of poverty and changing class structures in these communities some might expect that intra-racial class conflict is related to the level of support or protest. Class antagonism is a line of research and theory I explore elsewhere (Hyra, 2006). In this article class discord can be seen as a control variable since both communities are experiencing similar levels of income diversification and intra-racial class conflict.

2. B. Pearce. (2001, August).“Back to Bronzeville,” New Homes.

3. C. Lawrence. (2001, August 5). “Saving Bronzeville,” The Chicago Sun-Times.

4. I define low income as households that earn under $15,000. These percents come from the author's tabulation of the 2000 census.

5. While conducting research in Bronzeville I tracked Harlem's redevelopment from a distance. I chose Harlem, in part, because I am familiar with it. I grew up in a northern suburb of NYC and while in high school played for a basketball team based in Harlem.

6. There is some controversy surrounding the present boundaries of Bronzeville. The designated Bronzeville area described in this study consists of the Douglas and Grand Boulevard districts. This area is smaller than the original Bronzeville outlined by Drake and Cayton ([1945] 1993) in Black Metropolis. Most of the community leaders I spoke with viewed this smaller area as today's Bronzeville. However, some still considered sections of adjacent districts, such as Washington Park and Northern Kenwood/Oakland part of the broader Bronzeville community.

7. The authority and form of the community boards have changed several times. Their present structure resembles the 1975 revision of the City Charter (Fainstein & Fainstein, 1991).

8. A few communities in Chicago are designated as conservation areas and these areas have entities that function similar to the NYC community boards, but these structures are rare (see Pattillo, 2003). There is no conservation area in Bronzeville. Further, the mayor is influential in appointing members to these “community boards.”

9. The South Side Partnership was established in 1989. The participating groups came together in order to advocate for educational improvements in the community. Since that time the partnership has broadened its mission to include community development concerns.

10. C. Oldweiler & B. J. Rogal (2000, March). “& B. J. Rogal (2000, March). “Public Housing: Reading Between the Lines.” The Chicago Reporter.

11. A. Martin. (2002, August 11). “Hizzoner's Doormat,” The Chicago Tribune.

12. There are some groups external to Bronzeville that are creating dialogue and putting forth progressive actions concerning displacement, such as the Coalition to Protect Public Housing. Many of these groups, however, are not Black-led nor do they have established relationships with the internal organizational structure in Bronzeville.

13. Based on spending over six months at one of the public housing projects in Bronzeville, I would also argue that political consequences are one of the reasons why onsite organizations, such as the Local Advisory Councils, which are comprised of residents, are not more vocal about concerns of displacement.

14. Direct excerpt from my fieldnotes.

15. D. W. Dunlap. (2002, February 10). “The Changing Look of the New Harlem,” The New York Times.

16. J. Huebner. (2000, December 1). “Whose Blues Will They Choose?” The Chicago Reader.

17. A. Martin. (2002, August 11). “Hizzoner's Doormat,” The Chicago Tribune.

18. B. A. Reed. (2001, June 25). “Palm Tavern Owner Surrenders to City's Offer,” The Chicago Defender.

19. A. Gopnik. (2002, April 22–29). “Harlem for Sale,” The New Yorker.