Religion and relief: the role of religion in mobilizing civil society against global poverty

Abstract

Although global poverty is one of the world's most pressing contemporary problems, there is a lack of political will to address it, and much of the work is left to non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-many of which have religious connections. However, religion's role in this area is surprisingly understudied. In attempting to fill the gap, this study explores what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society actors to engage in transnational poverty relief and development. The paper examines the salience of religious actors in the field, before developing a theoretical framework to explain this prevalence, employing sociologically based theories of religious social capital, content, and cultural power. Finally, these issues are investigated practically through case studies of two religious NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand. The findings corroborate the theoretical framework, demonstrating the considerable potential of religion to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.

Keywords:

• religion
• global poverty
• non-governmental organizations
• poverty relief and development

Why religion?

Global poverty is one of the world's most pressing contemporary problems. Despite the fact that the world has the resources to eradicate severe poverty, there is a lack of political will, and much of the work is left to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) reliant on voluntary support. What motivates these civil society actors-particularly in the global North-to address social justice issues in the global South? Many of these actors have religious connections, suggesting that religion plays an important role in motivating and mobilizing these efforts. As such, this research seeks to answer the question, what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society in transnational poverty relief and development?1

Religion has long been neglected in the Social Sciences, which have been profoundly influenced by 'secularization theory', the idea that in modernization, 'religious institutions, actions and consciousness lose their social significance' (Wilson 1982:149). As a result, they have largely ignored the role of religion in public life for much of the twentieth century. In recent decades, however, research into the role of religion has increased in prominence in Politics, Economics and Sociology, prompted by developments such as the growing salience of religion in global affairs, the influence of Huntington's 'clash of civilizations' thesis, and the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 (Huntington 1996; Norris & Inglehart 2004; Clark 2008). Recent studies of civil society have explored the nonprofit sector and the relationship between religiosity and philanthropy (see Kniss & Campbell 1997; Cadge & Wuthnow 2006); and 'post-development' discourse has challenged the view of International Development as technocratic and value-free, with studies finding that religious organizations are viewed as important by poor people themselves (Ver Beek 2000; Narayan 2001 cited in Jennings & Clarkw 2008: 269; Thomas 2005; McGregor 2008). Research has also shown that recipients of relief and development aid trust religious organizations (even those from different traditions) over secular ones, whose motives they often view with suspicion (McGregor 2008). Despite all this and the recent work by Clarke and Jennings (2008a) on the 'faith and development' interface among donors, the role of religion in mobilizing civil society to engage in transnational relief and development-arguably one of the most significant areas in these fields today-remains largely unaddressed. This leaves a considerable gap in our understanding of development efforts, which this paper seeks to address.

The paper first examines the salience of religious actors in transnational relief and development, in terms of organizations and financial resources. It then develops a theoretical framework to explain this prevalence, employing sociologically based theories of religious social capital, content and cultural power to show how religion mobilizes civil society actors in such efforts. Finally, these issues are investigated further and practically through case studies of two Christian relief and development NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand. Although the choice of two Christian NGOs means that organizations of different religions and secular organizations are not explored, examining agencies with similar religious ideologies allows for certain insights into religious relief and development efforts in Northern societies. Importantly, while World Vision has been criticized for being too evangelical in its field operations (Bornstein 2002) and provides Christian 'witness' and the option of participation in Christian education, it does not include religious education within its operations whereas TEAR Fund does so explicitly. This difference allows an exploration of differences in the way religion operates within and through the organizations. These case studies employ research on organizational publications and in-depth interviews with senior staff (four from WVNZ, three from TEAR Fund)2 to explore how religion mobilizes the organizations and their staff, and their engagement with the public. The findings expand on the theoretical framework, providing greater understanding of religion's role in mobilizing actors in this field.

As an exploratory study in a sparsely researched field, there are limitations to this paper. As the entire field of religious civil society actors would be too large to explore, it focuses on Northern, Christian NGOs (the most prevalent in the field), examining religion's role in mobilizing these actors in terms of financial support, volunteering, political action and advocacy (as opposed to Southern actors working 'in the field'). Although a psychological analysis would be a useful complement to this paper, we deem it important to first identify the broad social dynamics in order to generate appropriate hypotheses for consequent psychological and survey-based research. Despite these limitations, the paper aims at filling an important gap in the social science literature on this newly emerging area of study-an area which carries significant potential for addressing one of the world's major contemporary challenges.

Religious NGOs and transnational poverty relief and development

While religious involvement in poverty relief and development has had an undeniably darker side throughout history-with aid often given in exchange for religious conversion or proselytism, and institutionalized religion sometimes complicit in oppression of peoples-it plays an indispensable part in the field today, in terms of both philanthropic contributions and development organizations. Religious philanthropic giving and volunteering toward such efforts is well-documented. Putnam (2000:67) reports that 15-25% more church members donate to charity than non-members, and 15-30% more volunteer. Research shows that this pattern applies to secular as well as religious organizations,3 and to International Development causes, and although studies have largely been confined to the United States, emergent research in Canada and Europe supports these findings (Berger 2006; Havens et al. 2006; Reitsma et al. 2006). Religious groups have also had an enduring and significant role in domestic social welfare provision, from alms and relief chests for the poor provided by Christians in Roman times and throughout the Middle Ages, to the extensive involvement of religious nonprofits such as the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) in US social service provision (see Sack 1998; Cadge and Wuthnow 2006).

The role of religion is perhaps most significant in relation to NGOs, which undertake the majority of transnational relief and development efforts (Kroessin & Mohamed 2008). Religion encourages the private philanthropic donations which fund these organizations. A significant proportion of religious giving goes to religious causes, including religious NGOs (RNGOs) (see Cadge & Wuthnow 2006; Monsma 2007). Also known as faith-based organizations (FBOs), they are distinguished from their secular counterparts by 'an identity and mission ... self-consciously derived from the teachings of one or more religious or spiritual traditions' (Berger 2003:16) and constitute a growing proportion of transnational NGOs (Hanson 2006). In 1990, nearly 10% of the 3500 Western relief and development NGOs were religious (Smith BH 1998:572), and Whaites claims that 'few other charity sectors exhibit the continuing presence of so many religiously based organizations as does overseas development, with anything up to one-quarter of Northern and international NGOs being "Christian"' (1999:410).

Moreover, RNGOs often command considerable financial resources:

the [largest] four faith-based development agencies had a combined annual income of approximately $2.5 billion at the beginning of the new millennium ... almost two-thirds of the annual budget of the UK Department for International Development. (Clarke 2008:26-27)

Although this paper's focus is on Christian NGOs, it is worth noting that non-Christian FBOs also mobilize large amounts of capital. In the US the Hindu agencies 'India Development and Relief Fund' and 'Hindu Heritage Endowment' collected $2 million from 1990 to 1998 and $2.6 million from 1994 to 1998 respectively (Jaffrelot 2008:255). Muslim organizations are also very active in Middle Eastern relief and development work (see Kroessin & Mohamed 2008). Clearly, religious contributions and organizations constitute a major International Development sector. What is it about religion that helps mobilize such resources to combat poverty?

How religion mobilizes civil society against global poverty

The previous sections have revealed the importance of studying religion's role in mobilizing civil society in transnational relief and development, given the dearth of academic interest in the subject and salience of religious actors in the field. This section offers a theoretical framework exploring the reasons for this salience, drawn from sociologically based explanations. Religious 'social capital' exposes individuals to the others' needs and provides recruitment opportunities through religious networks. Religious 'content'-beliefs, teachings, values, practices and norms-further motivates and directs action towards global poverty. Finally, religious 'cultural power' provides cultural resources to inspire and galvanize civil society to combat poverty.4 While existing studies of religious influence tend to focus on one of the first two factors, it is the combination of all three which makes religion such a powerful tool in the fight against global poverty.

Religious social capital

The explanation for religious involvement in poverty alleviation (particularly philanthropic activity) most commonly advanced is that of 'social capital'. Popularized by Robert Putnam, 'social capital theory' is based on the concept that social networks are of value, due to the interpersonal connections inherent in such networks-'social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them' (2000:18-19). These two key components of social capital mobilize human and financial resources for cooperative and charitable endeavours, 'provid[ing] the channels through which we recruit one another for good deeds, and ... norms of reciprocity that encourage attention to others' welfare' (ibid. 117). Furthermore, 'individual charitable decisions ... are highly influenced by the individual's level of trust in institutions and in other people' (Wang & Graddy 2008:29). By exposing people to others' needs, providing opportunities for recruitment, and fostering trust, social capital promotes charitable activity. Recent research exploring the relationship between social capital and philanthropic behaviour confirms this (Putnam 2000; Wang & Graddy 2008), revealing that 'the most important predictor of charitable giving is ... a donor's "network-based social capital", the degree to which the donor is embedded socially, or involved and engaged in society' (Havens et al. 2006:545).

Of particular relevance is Putnam's claim that 'faith communities ... are arguably the single most important repository of social capital in America' (2000):66). Religious people participate more in both politics and charitable activities, attributed primarily to the connectedness of religious individuals within congregations and faith communities (ibid. 66-67). Studies have found that religious communities exhibit higher levels of giving and volunteering for both religious and nonreligious causes (Norris & Inglehart 2004:186; Monsma 2007:7). They also provide an important resource for RNGOs, as 'religious people are enmeshed in webs of local churches, channels of religious information, and networks of religious associations that make them readily available for mobilisation' (Guth et al. 1987, cited in Putnam 2000:162).5

Despite this, social capital does not necessarily account for the widespread presence of religion in transnational relief and development. While 33% of US weekly church attendees belong to 'religious or church related' voluntary groups, only 5% belong to 'third world development or human rights' groups (Inglehart n.d., cited in Norris & Inglehart 2004:190), and only 4% of charitable giving in 2007 went towards international causes (Planned Giving Design Center 2007, cited in Stearns 2009:102).6 Clearly, engagement in (largely domestic) social welfare provision does not necessarily correspond with involvement in overseas relief and development efforts. Furthermore, as church attendance (which enmeshes individuals in valuable social networks) has declined in recent decades, so, too, have levels of religious social capital (Putnam 2000:71-74, 79; Norris and Inglehart 2004:24-25). This points to more than one explanatory factor-as Thomas (2005:236) observes, '[it is] not only the types of social connections that matter ... but the ideas, virtues and social practices that make up [their] content.'

Religious content

Thomas's qualification points to an intuitively more apparent way religion mobilizes involvement in relief and development-through its content.7 This includes both religious beliefs or teachings, and the values, practices and norms which they underpin. In this way, religious content links thought with action (Kliksberg 2003:62), making it a powerful mobilizing force. Although Monsma (2007) views this as a weaker explanation of philanthropic activity than his social capital-based 'social network theory' in explaining domestic social service provision, it may have greater force in transnational poverty relief and development efforts. It directs behaviour toward certain activities, inspires believers to work for change, and promotes commitment to goals with little tangible benefit to the believer (see Yeung 2004:41-42), forming a belief system and way of life suited to tackling politico-economic issues such as global poverty. A recent UN report highlights this practical aspect to religious teachings on poverty: 'most religions incorporate a social dimension in their teachings that focuses on improving conditions for [those] suffering from poverty, hunger, and other forms of injustice' (Religion Counts 2002:15).

The Christian tradition is of greatest relevance here (due to its larger presence in developed societies and International Development), and much of its content promotes involvement in poverty alleviation. Perhaps the most obvious expression of this is the 'Golden Rule', 'love your neighbour as yourself' (Matthew 22:39). This teaching commands believers to address the welfare of others, and is supplemented by a belief in the fundamental dignity of human life that extends this responsibility to all humanity (Tyndale 2000 , 2003; Berger 2003; Clarke & Jennings 2008b). Old Testament prophets align God with the poor in terms such as 'loose the chains of injustice ... share your food with the hungry and ... provide the poor wanderer with shelter' (Isaiah 58:6-7). In the New Testament, Jesus spends much of his ministry helping the poor and urges believers to treat the poor as they would himself, saying, 'whatever you [do] for one of the least of these ... you [do] for me' (Matthew 25:40) (see Birch 1975). This makes poverty a significant moral issue for Christians and arguably 'the most important 'political' issue in the Bible'-and as such also that of believers (Wallis 2005:xxi).

These teachings have also informed certain practices, giving rise to the principle of Christian charity, which plays a significant role in mobilizing relief efforts today. Early Christians sold their possessions to assist the needy (see Acts 2:45).8 More importantly, the Christian practice of 'tithing' (giving 10% of one's income to God) contemporarily typically entails donating to the church or other charitable causes (Dinn 2007). These concepts complemented a wider charity ethic, involving 'self-sacrificing devotion, mutual care, and philanthropic assistance' (Bird 1982:166).9 Catholic social teaching has expanded this ethic to include wider social justice and poverty alleviation, forming the foundation and raison d'tre of modern Catholic development agencies (Linden 2008:82). This charitable norm informs the philanthropy which underpins much religious involvement in poverty relief.

Although the impact of this content in transnational poverty relief is surprisingly understudied, existing research demonstrates its influence (Monsma 2007; Wang & Graddy 2008). Specifically, American studies report that the 'content of sermons, discussions, and other group activities ... influences parishioners' likelihood of engaging in giving and volunteering' (Cadge & Wuthnow 2006:499). Monsma (2007:8) acknowledges that studies 'support ... a relationship between religious beliefs and private religious behaviours and philanthropic giving and volunteering.' Religious content also directs philanthropy specifically towards poverty alleviation. Reitsma et al. (2006):355) discovered that 'dogmatic conviction and spirituality [have] positive effects on intentional donations to the poorest countries'. While this does not dismiss the role of social capital, it accounts for the religious emphasis on the cause of global poverty, even if the Christian concept of charity is sometimes challenged for its individualistic and voluntary nature. However, neither factor sufficiently explains the extent of religion's role in this area; something else helps it mobilize religious and secular alike in fighting global poverty.

Religious cultural power

The unique force which makes religion so effective in mobilizing civil society is what has become known as 'cultural power'. This is the ability to influence political processes and outcomes by appealing to 'cultural resources'-symbols, ideologies, moral authority and cultural meanings-which enable messages to resonate with wide audiences, generating more tangible forms of power, such as money, political support, and social or political connections (Demerath & Williams 1992:170, cited in Williams & Demerath 1998:367-368). Cultural resources are 'contextually dependent' (affected by their specific context) and 'cooperatively constructed' (only effective when shared with others), so shared understandings of them must be held by large enough audiences (such as religious communities) to generate desired outcomes (Williams & Demerath 1998:367-368). Social movement theory has long recognized the importance of cultural resources (Webster 2001), and scholars acknowledge that 'philanthropic activity is mobilized by the medium of moral or cultural capital in the form of symbolic expressions of need' (Schervish 1998 601). Political Science, however, has largely failed to make the connection between cultural power and religious mobilization of poverty relief.

Alternative sociological concepts have been used to explain the power of religion to inspire and galvanize people in this way-in particular, the concept of 'religious capital' (a form of Bourdieu's 'cultural' or 'symbolic' capital (see Bourdieu 1991)). Following Bourdieu, religious capital can be divided into two forms: religious competences (involving proficiency in religious knowledge and practices) and religious symbolic systems (which entail religious ideology or mythology) (see Bourdieu 1991:168-170; Verter 2003). Iannaccone describes the former type as 'familiarity with a religion's doctrines, rituals, traditions, and members' (1990:299). Distinct from religious social capital, which focuses on the interpersonal connections inherent in religious networks, this form of religious capital is accumulated through knowledge and experience of the content of these religious traditions, as well as friendships with other believers (ibid. 299). While this concept highlights the influence gained through such knowledge and familiarity-which could subsequently be used to mobilize religious communities for causes such as poverty alleviation-it largely relates to influence over matters within and for the religious community. Religious symbolic systems are perhaps more useful in this regard, as they may influence religious and secular alike.

However, it is not simply religious ideology or mythology, but the use of these 'resources' (and many others) by religious actors which enables religion to mobilize civil society in poverty alleviation. While the concept of religious capital may help to highlight how religious actors accumulate influence, it does not show how religious influence is used to mobilize people-religious and secular-to engage with causes external to the religious community such as global poverty. It also tends to provide an overly economic and institutionalized analysis (even if this is not what Bourdieu intended). This paper therefore employs the term 'cultural power' to describe religion's influence in this respect, which, while encompassing religious capital, is broader and avoids some of the limitations associated with its use.

Religion is perhaps one of the most important repositories of cultural resources, with world religions 'offer[ing] especially revealing instances of ... cultural power' (Williams & Demerath 1998:364). While these resources may include religious content, cultural power is distinct in that it entails their conscious use to mobilize actors. Numerous scholars have noted the relationship between religious cultural symbols, morality and wider worldviews, and the inspirational power this entails (Falk 2001; Thomas 2005; Linden 2008). As a recent UN report states:

Religions express themselves through symbols, rituals, doctrines, holy places, devotional and other types of sacred literature, and structures. These carry great meaning and emotional investment for religious people since they embody their understandings of sacred realities. Religious people may 'sacrifice' themselves-a potent, ancient religious concept-wholly devoting themselves to the holy, even unto death. (Religion Counts 2002:15)

Such shared religious understandings of sacrifice and morality are particularly powerful in mobilizing global poverty alleviation. Where entrenched structures make change seem unlikely, 'religious ideals [can be] potentially powerful sources of commitment and motivation ... [inspiring] human beings [to] make enormous sacrifices' (Wald 1987:29-30, cited in Putnam 2000:67). Religious moral language can also be drawn on to generate the 'sense of moral duty, indignation or outrage' (Berger 2003:35) necessary to challenge the status quo: 'whereas secular transformative thought tends to appeal mainly to alienated intellectuals, religious revolutionary language and aspirations have deep roots in popular culture and possess great mobilising potential' (Falk 2001:30). Moreover, religious promises of victory and justice offer hope in struggles for social and economic justice (Hanson 2006; Houston 2006; James 2009). This concept of justice is particularly powerful, carrying a far wider meaning than purely political understandings (Smith RL 1998). Such ideas resonate with individuals across political, economic, social and cultural boundaries, and provide a powerful source of inspiration to tackle global poverty.

These cultural resources provide valuable tools for religious NGOs to mobilize people in relief and development efforts. RNGOs 'draw on elaborate spiritual and moral values ... [giving them] significant ability to mobilize adherents otherwise estranged by secular development discourse' (Jennings & Clarke 2008:272). As Berger explains,

[While] secular NGOs also rely to a degree on appeals to morality as a means of mobilising public opinion ... religious NGOs are more directly able to raise moral issues and tap into religious discourse, thereby fuelling a sense of moral duty, indignation, or outrage, which makes change possible ... Theirs is a distinctly moral tone, charged with notions of 'Right' and 'Wrong'-culturally resonant with large portions of the world's population. (Berger 2003:35)

The cultural power of religion to mobilize support for poverty relief is not restricted to faith communities. Religious traditions are the 'foundation and perpetuators of most cultures' (Tyndale 2000:10), and religious language, symbols and morality are inextricably intertwined with wider cultural and societal values-even in the supposedly 'secular' West. As Houston (2006:226) observes, 'most of what we take for granted in the West by way of social morality goes back ultimately to the Old Testament ... mean[ing] that there is a cultural space ... potentially friendly to its ideas'. The wider Judeo-Christian conception of justice forms a particularly significant component of this. Although this may suggest that religion attracts people already sympathetic to ideals of justice or morality (rather than making believers into philanthropists), it also gives religious actors considerable cultural power to mobilize widespread support for poverty alleviation.

Clearly, religious cultural power provides a powerful force for social justice. However, as explored, it is a combination of factors which explains religion's role in transnational relief and development. Religious social capital provides networks of trust and reciprocity which expose individuals to others' needs and facilitate recruitment for causes to address these. Religious content-beliefs, teachings, values, practices and norms-further motivates and directs action towards global poverty. Finally, religious cultural power provides cultural resources which religious actors draw upon to inspire and galvanize religious and secular society to combat extreme poverty. It is the combination of all three of these factors which ultimately gives religion such powerful potential to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.

Religion and relief in a practical context: World Vision and TEAR Fund

The previous section provided a theoretical framework to explain the role of religion in mobilizing transnational relief and development, based on sociological theories of religious social capital, content and cultural power. This section explores the framework practically through case studies of two religious NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand, based on research of organizational publications and in-depth interviews with senior staff. After a brief overview of both organizations and their religious identities, the roles of religious social capital, content and cultural power in mobilizing each organization are examined more thoroughly. The case studies corroborate the theoretical findings, suggesting that religion carries considerable potential to mobilize civil society against global poverty.

World Vision and TEAR Fund are perhaps New Zealand's most well-known religious development agencies. Although both are evangelical Christian organizations, they differ in terms of origins, size and structure, and operations. WVNZ is the New Zealand body of World Vision International (WVI), a relief and development organization founded in 1950 by American Baptist minister Bob Pierce to help Korean War orphans (WVI 2009b). Today, WVI is the largest Christian development NGO in the world.10 It operates in three core areas-community development, disaster relief and advocacy (Clarke 2008: 27; WVNZ 2009a). WVNZ, officially established in 1971, advocates and gathers funds for World Vision field offices in developing countries. From an initial 200 child sponsors, it has become New Zealand's largest relief and development NGO, operating more than 70 projects in over 25 countries and sponsoring 83,917 children in 2008. Its 2008 income totalled NZ$58,169,000, with 79.3% of this going directly toward relief, development and advocacy work (Bryant 1996:18-19; WVNZ 2008:19, 2009a).11

In contrast to American-birthed WVNZ, TEAR Fund emerged in 1975 as the New Zealand counterpart to The Evangelical Alliance Relief Fund, or Tearfund, founded in Britain in 1968 (TEAR Fund 2009a; Tearfund 2009). Unlike WVNZ, TEAR Fund is a completely separate organization from its British equivalent. It also carries out all overseas operations through Christian partner organizations-most notably, Compassion International, through which TEAR Fund conducts its child sponsorship programme-and local churches (TEAR Fund 2009b, 2009e, 2009n.d.:1). TEAR Fund operates in several core areas-child sponsorship, community development, microenterprise and disaster relief-contributing to more than 3000 projects in 24 countries, which sponsor over 720,000 children (TEAR Fund 2009b, 2009e). TEAR Fund has a much smaller revenue base than WVNZ, however, with a total income of $11,823,250 for 2008, and an average of 75% going toward field work (TEAR Fund 2008:5, 2009c).

Both World Vision and TEAR Fund are unapologetically Christian organizations. WVNZ describes itself as:

a Christian humanitarian organisation dedicated to working with children, families and communities to overcome extreme poverty and injustice. Motivated by our faith in Jesus Christ, we serve alongside the poor and oppressed as a demonstration of God's unconditional love for all people. (WVNZ 2009a)

Its mission statement is more explicit: 'to follow our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ in working with the poor and oppressed to promote human transformation, seek justice and bear witness to the good news of the Kingdom of God' (WVI 2009c). The organization's six 'core values' (the first being, 'We are Christian') contain numerous religious references (WVI 2007). World Vision also works with churches and faith groups in some cases (WVI 2009a). Within New Zealand, however, WVNZ's religious character is less publicized, and it is known primarily for child sponsorship, emergency relief and its annual '40 Hour Famine'.12

TEAR Fund's Christian character, on the other hand, is more explicit, and forms a core component of its operational activities. Its mission statement makes this clear: 'The purpose of TEAR Fund is to glorify God by extending his kingdom in ministry to the poor, oppressed and disadvantaged, and to encourage God's people in New Zealand to live out the values and principles of his kingdom, by sharing with those in need' (TEAR Fund 2009i). Furthermore, the organization has a flagship scripture, Isaiah 1:17: 'Seek justice, and encourage the oppressed' (ibid.) and its child sponsorship is 'Christ-centred ... and church-based,' giving 'each child the opportunity to hear the gospel' (TEAR Fund 2009d). As stated, TEAR Fund operates through Christian partners and churches, and its domestic advocacy and marketing is aimed more at the Christian community than WVNZ's.

The evangelical Christian character of both organizations leaves them open to criticisms of perpetrating the aforementioned 'darker side' of religious poverty relief, a significant barrier to wider support for Christian agencies. TEAR Fund, in particular, requires 'child and ... parents [to] agree [that] the child will attend Christian teaching and other project activities' (TEAR Fund 2009d) in order to receive sponsorship. While World Vision does not have an equivalent requirement, it is committed to 'Witness to Jesus Christ by life, deed, word and sign that encourages people to respond to the Gospel' (WVNZ 2009e). Despite this, both organizations deny charges of proselytism (defined as 'the use of aid as an inducement or source of coercion for religious conversion' (ibid.)). TEAR Fund asserts that 'assistance is provided regardless of the religious beliefs of recipients' (TEAR Fund 2009a), while World Vision assists people 'regardless of their religion, race, ethnicity or gender', in accordance with the International Red Cross Code of Conduct (WVI 2009d:6).13 These issues are contentious, and in-depth research (beyond the scope of this study) is needed to determine the extent to which recipients are given a choice to participate in evangelistic programmes. It is clear, however, that each organization's Christian character plays an important role in mobilizing its work. In light of the theoretical framework developed in the previous section, this paper will now explore how this occurs.

The role of religious social capital

As explored, religious social capital mobilizes NGOs through religious networks (churches and faith communities) and the norms of trust and reciprocity these engender. These networks expose their members to needs and recruitment opportunities, and foster reciprocity and trust, encouraging philanthropy. This can be seen through both WVNZ and TEAR Fund with regard to the organizations and their staff, and their mobilization of the public. Organizationally, WVNZ is part of a 'federal partnership' (WVI 2009e:20), an international network characterized by norms of trust and reciprocity in the service of the organization's mission. This inevitably exposes members to poverty-related issues and mobilizes staff through religious social capital. While the majority (about 80%) are Christian (R4), recruitment occurs largely outside church networks. Although job vacancies are sent to churches and employees may advertise vacancies to fellow church members (R2; R3), 'World Vision ... choose[s] to go to market rather than select from inside ... Christian networks' (R2). Despite this, two officials interviewed joined WVNZ through church connections (R1; R3), suggesting that religious social capital plays an indirect role in exposing staff to World Vision and providing opportunities for recruitment.

It is through mobilizing the public, however, that religious social capital more directly influences WVNZ. World Vision actively seeks partnerships with churches (WVNZ 2009e), and in 1986, established a Church Relations Manager, whose 'main task was to improve and deepen relations between the organisation and the churches ... [seen as] key to World Vision's growth' (Bryant 1996:148). Today, this involves engaging church networks through preaching, soliciting sponsors, providing resources and experience to church ministries and missions, offering partnerships with overseas projects, participating in Christian events, and engaging church support in World Vision events such as the 40 Hour Famine (R1; R2; WVNZ 2009c , d). Bryant (1996:145) observed, 'the churches are its strength. 80 per cent of the sponsors are Christian'. While the current proportion of Christian sponsors is unknown, WVNZ assumes it is fairly high, and the majority of large donors are Christian (R1; R2; R4). Furthermore, churches are a key recruiting ground for volunteers through word-of-mouth and access to church networks by volunteer managers (R3).

TEAR Fund also builds on its religious social capital organizationally and in terms of staff. Operationally, TEAR Fund works with Christian organizations and churches overseas, and domestic work 'primarily takes place in partnership with ... churches' (R7). All staff are Christian, as are the 'large majority' of volunteers (R5; R7). In this way, the role of social capital in mobilizing staff at TEAR Fund is similar to that of WVNZ.

In terms of engaging the public, however, social capital plays a much larger role at TEAR Fund than WVNZ. Christian networks are TEAR Fund's 'core constituency,' providing them with 'an immediate audience ... [that] share[s] their values ... aims ... [and] goals' (R7). TEAR Fund is popular with churches (R5; R6), with one WVNZ official acknowledging that due to WVNZ's broader appeal, many prefer to work with TEAR Fund (R3). Many churches identify with the evangelistic element of TEAR Fund's programmes, generating significant support for the organization. As one manager elucidated, 'churches can mobilise, can encourage their own people, and ... then in turn mobilize others they know' (R5). Another concurred, stating that 'to be able to utilize [churches] to teach people about their responsibility to engage poverty and ... how to go about it is massive' (R7). Despite this, both TEAR Fund and WVNZ face the aforementioned problem of declining social capital as a result of declining church attendance-an issue which has led some Christian relief organizations to adopt a secular character.14 In this context, both religious content and religious cultural power play increasingly important roles within and through the organizations.

The role of religious content

Religious content further mobilizes both organizations and their staff, and public engaged with them. Organizationally, Christian beliefs, teachings, values, practices and norms motivate and direct WVNZ. Its first core value affirms 'We acknowledge one God: Father, Son and Holy Spirit. In Jesus Christ the love, mercy and grace of God are made known ... From this ... we find our call to ministry' (WVNZ n.d.:2). Its mission is 'to follow our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ in working with the poor and oppressed to promote human transformation, seek justice and bear witness to the good news of the Kingdom of God' (WVI 2009c). Its development method encompasses 'initiatives that serve the Church in fulfilment of its mission ... [and] witness to Jesus Christ ... that encourages people to respond to the Gospel' (WVNZ n.d.:6). Furthermore, practices of prayer, Bible study, team and corporate devotions, chapel services, Lenten reflections and 'spiritual development' sessions are regular occurrences (Tripp 1999:62-63; R1; R3). Christian values of trustworthiness and accountability are integral operational principles, with the Christian norm of stewardship a core value, and the organization adhering to numerous NGO codes of conduct (WVI 2009e:2, 2009f; R3).15 Religious content also mobilizes staff, with the majority being Christian, and all 'fully in sympathy with World Vision's Christian basis of faith and core values' (WVNZ n.d.:5). Religious beliefs seem to be the primary motivation for working at WVNZ, and staff keep scripture phrases on their desks (R2; R3; R4). One official admitted, 'because the remuneration is nothing like what I'd get where I was previously ... a large part of the decision to come here was [based] around my faith' (R3).

Religious content similarly motivates and directs the public to combat poverty through WVNZ, which employs Christian beliefs, values and practices in its public engagement. One official stated, '[while] we wouldn't talk about praying for the children or seeing [them] come to salvation [generally] ... if I was speaking to ... a major donor ... and I knew they had a Christian heart, I would definitely talk about that' (R2). Another viewed the role of Christian beliefs and values in motivating the public as 'humungous ... If they have a Christian world-view, they've got a motivation there for doing something for their neighbours, not just ... locally, but internationally. The "Good Samaritan"-type example' (R3). Furthermore, the public 'believe the organization to be one of integrity ... [and] accountable ... transparent, trustworthy' due to its Christian values (R3).

Religious content again plays a more explicit role in mobilizing TEAR Fund than WVNZ, in terms of both the organization and staff, and public engagement. Its organizational literature is littered with Biblical references, such as John 10:10, Isaiah 1:17 and Proverbs 31:9 (TEAR Fund n.d.:4, 6, 16), and Christian beliefs and values: 'TEAR Fund represents the compassion of Jesus' (TEAR Fund 2009a); 'One of TEAR Fund's core values is prayer' (TEAR Fund 2009g). Other core values include 'faith', 'justice', 'accountability' and 'integrity', backed with relevant scriptures (R7). Christian practices such as prayer and devotions are a central component of workplace activities (R6). Organizational motives also 'filte[r] down to ... staff and ... advocates' (R6). Staff commented: 'as a Christian, I am drawn to [TEAR Fund's] ethics and mission statement' (TEAR Fund 2009h); 'I don't just see it as a job, I see it as a ministry' (R6); 'one of the central pursuits of Christianity is to serve the poor and needy ... that was one of the reasons I decided to ... work for TEAR Fund' (R7). Another believed Biblical teachings, such as 'faith without action is dead' and the command to help 'the least of these', to be key motives for staff (R5).

Christian content is also important in mobilizing public engagement with TEAR Fund. One official stated, 'because we're a Christian group, secular people believe they can trust us ... [with their] money', and admitted that fundraising efforts 'normally [got] a better response from Christian groups, because there's just that ... inner part of their faith that says ... "we need to do something"' (R5). TEAR Fund's 'prayer support' website page aims to engage supporters through prayer (TEAR Fund 2009g). Furthermore, the Christian practice of evangelism-and TEAR Fund's programmes which incorporate this-mobilize many Christians to engage with TEAR Fund's work. While this may mobilize Christians, however, it can deter non-Christians, and it is in this respect which religious cultural power provides a powerful tool for both organizations.

The role of religious cultural power

Even more so than social capital and content, religious cultural power is crucial in mobilizing the anti-poverty efforts of WVNZ and TEAR Fund. This use of religious cultural resources inspires and galvanizes the organizations and their staff, and their engagement with both Christian and secular public. Organizationally, the use of religious cultural resources-particularly language-is widespread at WVNZ. Biblical notions of 'justice' and 'service' to the 'poor' and 'oppressed' pervade its core values, aims and organizational literature: 'we share a quest for justice, peace, reconciliation, and healing' (WVI 2007); 'We pursue ... justice that seeks to change unjust structures affecting the poor' (WVNZ 2009e); 'World Vision served ... people ... in need' (WVI 2009d:2); 'working with the poor and oppressed to promote human transformation and seek justice' (ibid.:18). Religious symbolism is also employed-World Vision's logo includes a cross-shaped star (implying light, hope and sacrifice) (WVNZ 2009b). References to the religious concept of 'hope' are also scattered throughout World Vision's organizational literature, including prominently in the title of the WVNZ history, Pathways of Hope (Bryant 1996).16 Together, these resources create an organizational 'Christian culture' (R3), generating significant cultural power, with 'religion [becoming] a provider of ideological unity ...[and] particularly powerful motivating force' (Whaites 1999:411). Furthermore, staff use this same language in describing their own motivation, and cite their inspiration to act as coming from religious understandings of 'social injustices' (R3), and being 'called to do something' (R4).17 The concept of hope also mobilizes staff: 'Hope is ... the higher order ... this overarching thing ... [It is the] hope that we can do something that pulls people together' (R4). Such shared religious understandings form powerful motivational forces for staff who may not accept purely secular development discourse.

Cultural power is particularly significant in mobilizing public engagement with WVNZ. Although WVNZ acknowledges a tension between emphasizing its religious character and appealing to wider society (R1; R3), many supporters-Christian or not-share the organization's understandings, 'see[ing] themselves [as] challenging unjust attitudes and systems' (Bryant 1996:13). While WVNZ's marketing may not intentionally use religious language, symbols or meanings, they are an inherent part of the organization's appeals, and resonate with both Christian and secular through the use of language such as 'injustice' and 'social justice' (R1; R2; R3; R4). Appeals to Judeo-Christian understandings of morality and justice are key motivations for sponsorship (R1; R2; R3), with the belief that promoting social justice is 'the right thing to do', encouraging long-term commitment despite economic hardship (R3). Furthermore, religious understandings of hope galvanize the public to engage with WVNZ in fighting poverty in seemingly hopeless situations (R4).

Religious cultural power also plays a key role in mobilizing TEAR Fund in its relief and development work in terms of both the organization and staff, and public engagement. As with WVNZ, TEAR Fund employs language infused with religious meanings throughout its organizational publications, such as, 'ministry to the poor, oppressed and disadvantaged' (TEAR Fund 2009a), and 'bring[ing] the good news, love and justice of Jesus to the world's poorest' (TEAR Fund 2009f). Staff also credit ideas of justice and morality with motivating their work (R5; R6), with one arguing, 'justice should be the main motivating factor for Christians getting involved' (R7). One official acknowledged that his faith actually helped develop his passion for social justice (R5), suggesting that religion itself does mobilize people to engage in relief and development efforts, rather than just attract those predisposed toward ideals of justice or morality. The concept of 'hope' also motivated staff: 'if we didn't believe there was some hope for the people being helped through what we're doing, why would we do it?' (R6).

Cultural power is particularly important in mobilizing the Christian and secular public to engage with TEAR Fund. Christian concepts of sacrifice and service (based on Jesus' example) are especially useful in mobilizing secular support, as 'everybody can engage with ideas of service and sacrifice' (R7). In fact, it is largely due to the idea that 'it's doing a good thing and it's ... making a difference'-or understandings of morality and justice-that non-Christians support TEAR Fund (R5). The concept of 'justice', in particular, is used to mobilize supporters, with TEAR Fund urging people to 'make a decision to fight poverty and injustice' (TEAR Fund 2009a), and to 'seek justice, and encourage the oppressed' (TEAR Fund 2009i). One official contended that 'justice is the central element' (R7). Through such shared cultural understandings, this explicitly religious organization mobilizes both Christian and secular supporters in the fight against global poverty.

These case studies of WVNZ and TEAR Fund practically illustrate religion's role in mobilizing poverty relief and development. Religion forms an integral element of both organizations' identities and operations, and the cases confirm the theoretical insights concerning how religion mobilizes RNGOs to address global poverty. Religious social capital (through Christian networks) plays some role in mobilizing both organizations and their staff, and their engagement with the public. Religious content (Christian beliefs, teachings, values, practices and norms) motivates and directs both organizations and their supporters to engage in poverty relief and development. Finally, religious cultural power (through Christian cultural resources) inspires and galvanizes the organizations and staff, and public supporters-particularly non-Christians-to address these issues. While there are considerable complexities concerning religion and development, these case studies highlight the powerful potential of religion to mobilize civil society actors in the fight against global poverty.

Conclusions

This paper has examined the surprisingly under-studied role of religion in mobilizing Northern NGOs to address poverty in the global South. The paper drew on sociological concepts to explain how religion mobilizes the large number of religious actors in this field. Religious social capital was theorized to expose religious individuals to the needs of others and provide recruitment opportunities through religious social networks and the norms of trust and reciprocity these engender. Religious content (beliefs, teachings, values, practices and norms) was argued to direct religious actors toward transnational poverty relief, and religious cultural power to enable religion to inspire and galvanize religious and secular alike through the use and mutual understanding of cultural resources such as language, symbols and moral authority. Case studies of two New Zealand religious NGOs, World Vision and TEAR Fund, provided findings that confirmed the value of this explanatory framework. These studies demonstrated how religious social capital mobilized the organizations and their supporters through Christian networks, religious content motivated and directed the organizations and those within them, and religious cultural power inspired and galvanized them, particularly through notions of morality and justice. The cases suggested that the different capacities and forces for action embedded in each of these concepts are mutually reinforcing, and confirmed the considerable potential of religion to mobilize civil society against global poverty. In so doing the paper offers an answer to the question of what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society in transnational poverty relief and development.

These findings carry significant implications for transnational relief and development. While many RNGOs are wary of emphasizing their religious identity, it seems that a 'faith-base' carries significant potential for mobilizing resources and action. The research demonstrates that religious communities provide valuable networks for development actors, suggesting that secular NGOs should actively engage with them. It shows that religious content motivates action towards poverty alleviation and provides additional resources for NGOs to draw upon, as does the capacity of religious cultural resources to inspire and galvanize the religious and secular alike. Appeals to justice and morality can engage both secular and religious actors, where explicitly religious appeals may alienate. Religion plays a wider and more significant role than fostering 'social capital' in the practice and politics of development and warrants a more sophisticated, multi-faceted conceptualization and more serious consideration in the literature, especially as non-state actors take on more significant roles in global politics and the challenges of development.

This study opens up avenues for future research, including testing the conceptual framework among other religious organizations (Christian and non-Christian), within the organizations themselves, and among donor individuals. Key questions include whether religion can mobilize relief and development efforts, rather than simply attracting those predisposed toward giving, whether they have more resources to give, and whether religious giving may crowd out other contributions. This may necessitate multiple forms of research in different contexts and geographical settings, including those beyond the West. In the context of multiple global crises and pressures on resources religion holds considerable potential to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.

Interviews

R1 - WVNZ Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 10 August 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R2 - WVNZ Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 11 August 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R3 - WVNZ Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 13 August 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R4 - WVNZ Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 24 August 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R5 - TEAR Fund Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 3 December 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R6 - TEAR Fund Official 2009. Telephone interview by author on 18 December 2009. Dunedin, NZ.

R7 - TEAR Fund Official 2010. Telephone interview by author on 22 January 2010. Dunedin, NZ.

Notes

1. For the purposes of this research, religion is defined as a social practice derived from a system of belief in an authoritative spiritual power which incorporates values, rules and practices, and is organized on the basis of institutionalized social relations. This is based on a recent definition of religion given by Clarke and Jennings (2008b:5), which is the most relevant to this field.

2. In order to retain anonymity, these interviews are cited as 'R1', 'R2', and so on. Interview details are listed at the end of the paper, following the list of references.

3. The 1998 General Social Survey, for instance, found that 50-85% of Christians and Jews gave to nonreligious causes, compared to 47% of secular Americans-Davis et al. 2000, cited in Monsma 2007:17.

4. Although other concepts such as 'religious capital'(see discussion of 'Religious Cultural Power' in Paper) are used to describe the influence of religion in society, these three terms focus attention on how religion mobilizes civil society to combat global poverty.

5. Note, however, religious social capital may generate negative 'bonding' social capital that mitigates against outward-looking beneficence, such as in fundamentalist religious movements or the promotion of white supremacy during the Civil Rights Movement in the United States (Putnam 2000; Thomas, 2005).

6. While church attendees may support transnational relief and development groups indirectly through their church, the low figures for voluntary or financial involvement in these specific groups suggest that social capital alone does not explain the extent of religious involvement in transnational relief and development.

7. This has been referred to as 'religious belief theory' (Monsma 2007), but has wider purchase than just beliefs. Hence the label, 'religious content'.

8. The text is ambiguous as to whether this includes those in need outside the Christian community (Stott 2006).

9. Although tithing is not practised by all Christians, and usually not Catholics, this 'charity ethic' was further developed by the Roman Catholic Church (see Robbins 2006:20-23).

10. In 2008, WVI assisted over 100 million people in 98 countries, sponsored over 3.6 million children, supported nearly one million orphans and vulnerable children, raised US$2.6 billion in funds and goods and employed 40,000 staff (WVI 2009d:2).

11. Over NZ$47 million of this went overseas, with less than NZ$250,000 going toward advocacy within New Zealand.

12. The '40 Hour Famine' is a fundraising appeal aimed at youth, which in 2008 involved 126,000 participants nationwide and raised NZ$2.4 million (WVNZ 2009f). Although conducted in a largely secular way within schools, the 2009 website included a 'churches' section, with Bible study material and 'Church awards' (WVNZ 2009c).

13. World Vision admits that 'in some projects we co-operate with local church leadership', although only if 'appropriate in the context of the programme'. Families are given an opportunity for a culturally appropriate Christian education, 'but it's their choice to participate' (WVNZ 2009e). This does not constitute proselytism as defined above, and World Vision's operations are generally much less evangelistic than TEAR Fund's.

14. For example, Christian Children's Fund (CCF) is now known simply as 'ChildFund' (ChildFund New Zealand 2010).

15. These include 'the International NGO Accountability Charter, Red Cross Code of Conduct, Sphere Humanitarian Charter for NGOs and Humanitarian Accountability Partnership Principles of Accountability'. World Vision even received 'top rating in One World Trust's 2006 Global Accountability Report' (WVI 2009f).

16. Based on Biblical understandings of ultimate victory for justice and the oppressed, appeals to hope form a particularly powerful instance of religious understandings galvanizing action for fundamental change (Wallis 2005).

17. The religious understanding here is the Christian notion of being 'called' by God to do something, which, according to James, holds a mobilizing power far stronger than humanitarian values alone (2009:14).