The case of a change in meaning and its impact

ABSTRACT

Like everything else, language does not remain static; it changes over time to reflect the current environments (Rewi 2012. An active and functional language. In: D. Keenan, editor. Huia histories of Māori: Ngā Tāhuhu Kōrero. Wellington: Huia Publishers; p. 73–92). The Māori language is no exception (Professor Poia Rewi, Dean of Te Tumu, School of Māori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, University of Otago, provided advice during the writing of this article. He is now Tumu Whakarae (Chief Executive) of the organisation Te Mātāwai – Te Reo Māori). New words have been added, word meanings have been added to, for example, whānau is now inclusive of friends, work colleagues and networks and not just kin as was previously used. Here, we address the changing nature of words in the Māori language with special reference to the word ‘Kaumātua’ as it is applied in a research project, Kaumātua Futures and the language generally. We begin by considering language change generally, then look at the Māori language of the early 1900s by searching the database Niupepa online to see how the term Kaumātua was applied. We then focus on the word Kaumātua and how its meaning has evolved by searching literature referencing both language and word meaning changes in general and those which provide a meaning for the word Kaumātua and discuss the role and function of those who are identified as Kaumātua (The word Kaumātua has been capitalised for the purposes of this article only, otherwise capitalisation is not normal usage.).

KEYWORDS:

• Kaumātua
• māori language
• language change
• word meaning change

Changes in the Māori language: an Introduction

An unintentional outcome of the work done to revitalise and normalise the Māori language has been the gulf between older Māori language speakers born c 1920s–1940s and younger ones who have moved through Kohanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Māori, Wharekura¹ across the 1980s to the present, as well as the various language programmes and extension programmes such as Kura Reo and Te Panekiretanga.² It has created a ‘them’ and ‘us’ situation among speakers which is likely to remain until such time as each generation replaces the next – the ‘Ka pū te ruha, ka hao te rangatahi’ phenomena captured in the said whakataukī (proverb, saying) speaking to sustainability and generations taking on roles and responsibilities held by those before them. The reason? Sometimes, when there are changes in language and the way in which language is used, or when word meanings are changed or added to, these impact on social structures. An example is the earlier reference to the word whānau now being extended to include non-kin groups.

Changes in language are usual as almost every language has been affected throughout time (Hudson 1995; Cruse 2000; Hamilton et al. 2018). Some languages have been affected to the point of extinction and others under threat of extinction with the Māori language being one of those (Reedy 2000; Ka’ai-Mahuta 2011). For the Māori language that has been despite the efforts to revitalise, retain and normalise.

In a 1902 when writing in ‘Te Kopara’ (No. 85: P. 9), Te Hau Mataira (1921) wrote to Paratene Ngata warning about the loss of the language with the setting up of what he called Pākehā schools.³ He was concerned at what he perceived to be a lack of action to ensure the retention of the language.

E koro e Paratene Ngata, tena ra koe. Tenei kua kite iho ahau i te ahua o te aronga o kupu whakapae, ki nga take e huna nei i to tana reo i to te Māori. E Paratene, ehara ko nga take e whakahuahua nei to panui, nana i ngaro ai te reo Maori; erangi na koutou na nga kaumatua o mua atu i te rau tau ngā tamariki i kiia iho ra a Tamahau Mahupuku. Na koutou ano i whakatu nga kura reo Pakeha, hei tinei i to reo Maori. Kihai koutou i whaimahara ka hanga i tetahi tikanga hei pupuru mai i to koutou reo koi ngaro.⁴

Greetings Paratene Ngata. I have observed the focus of the thinking you have laid out on the matter of the potential loss of the Māori language. Paratene, this is not a matter of speaking against what is being said in relation to the loss of the language; but it was you, the elders, in the last one hundred years to whom Tamahau Mahupuku was referring. You were also the group who set up the English language schools, excluding the Māori language. You did not think about some policy to retain the language so that it is not lost.

He goes on to say:

Kotahi te mea e whakapouriuri nei i waenganui i a tatou, ko nga tunga e tu nei taua te Maori - (1). Ko to tatou reo kei te totohu haere atu ki te ngaro, heoi ko matou anake ko nga tamariki kaore i tae ki nga kura, e hamama nei o matou waina ki te karanga, ka mate ka mate. (2). Ko nga tamariki o tatou kua whiwhi ki nga matauranga pakeha, kei te karanga, tukua kia mate tukua kia mate. (3). Ko koutou ko nga kaumatua kua peke ki waenganui i nga reo e rua, ki reira tahurihuri ai te upoko. (4). Ko te tahi tangata o tatou o te iwi Maori hei kukume haere i to tatou reo kia rite te whiwhi mahi ki roto ki nga mahi katoa e pa ana ki to tatou koroni, ahakoa he aha nga mahi a te taha Maori me to taha pakeha, me rite te whaimana o aua reo e rua ki runga i a tatou mahi katoa.

A matter of concern for us as Māori – (1). Our language is sinking towards being lost, although it is us, the children who are not attending school who are exclaiming loudly about the loss, the death. (2). It is the children who have learnt the knowledge of the pakeha who are saying, let it go, let it die. (3). It is you, the elders who are bilingual whose heads are spinning. (4) Some of us Māori are still uplifting our language so that we may get work, any work in our colony, whether it be Māori or Pakeha. The two languages must be seen to be of equal status no matter what we do.

In the first quote, Te Hau Mataira thought, by inference, Kaumātua were responsible for language retention and those who were either bilingual and or taught in the English language were supporters of letting the language die – ‘ … . tukua kia mate’ – see his Point 1 and Point 2 in the second quote above. He also expressed a concern that those who were bilingual (Māori and English), might then begin to see themselves as being superior to those who were monolingual Māori speakers. At the time of writing, his concern was the loss of the language rather than the change in language although it could be argued they are one and the same.

The second quote also provides evidence of expectations of Kaumātua at the turn of that century – that they lead and provide direction in the retention of the language being an expectation. What the quotes also do is provide an example of the difference in orthography, how the language was written at the time – no macrons which meant the reader needed to be proficient in the language to know, where the emphasis of a vowel sat to understand what is being said, perhaps the most obvious. Two other differences are spelling and grammar. Spelling might be the result of who was typesetting rather than how Te Hau Mataira wrote. It might also be how words were spelt then and further research would be needed to confirm that, for example, the word erangi which is a regional variation of engari (but). The grammar looks consistent for how the language was written at the time without the commas for example.

Ageing Well: Kaumātua futures

The MBIE funded National Science Challenge for ‘Ageing Well – Kia eke kairangi ki te taikaumātuatanga’ was established in 2014. The objective of Ageing Well which is how it is better known, is to ‘harness science to sustain health and well-being into the later years of life’ (Ageing Well National Science Challenge, Future Strategy 2019–2024, 2018, p. 4). One of the focus areas of Ageing Well is ‘Ageing and Māori’.

The Ageing Well National Science Challenge has as its Māori title, ‘Kia eke kairangi ki te taikaumātuatanga’ and the translation provided is ‘Literally, achieving the best for older people’ (p. 25). In the current Strategy’s glossary of Māori words ‘Kaumātua’ are defined as ‘Elders in Māori society, who are held in high esteem’ (Ageing Well National Science Challenge, Future Strategy 2019–2024, p. 4). The statement has a double meaning depending on how you read it. One meaning being, Kaumātua are a particular group of elders who are held in high esteem and the other is that all elderly Māori are held in high esteem and are therefore, Kaumātua. The latter meaning causes some consternation for some groups of elderly Māori, especially those who serve their marae (courtyard), whānau (family), hapū (sub-tribe) and iwi (tribe) regularly and often, and see others who do not invest the same levels of energy into those social, economic and political structures as being worthy of being granted the title of Kaumātua. They are often people whom they do not recognise as Kaumātua but, nevertheless, are kuia and koroua (elderly women and elderly men). The issue has arisen in the discussions had with the group of Kaumātua who are the co-designers and advisors to the research project ‘Kaumātua Futures: Ko te pae tawhiti whāia kia tata’ and will be explored during the field research activities (Table 1).

Table 1 . Māori words for elder by word, meaning and gender.

Word	Meaning	Gender/neutral
Ahungarua	(noun) elderly, old person, person approaching old age	Neutral
Hākoro Hākorokoro	(noun) elderly man, father, parent	Male
Hākui Hākuikui	(noun) mother, mum, old woman, elderly woman	Female
Kaumātua	(verb, modifier, or noun) elderly man or woman often learned in traditional knowledges; often in leadership role; elders; male elders; grow up, become adult (Williams 1971)	Neutral. Also, male only
Koeke	(verb (-tia) or noun) to mature, grow old, elderly man, old man, adult	Male
Kohake	(noun) old man, father (Williams 1971)	Male
Kokoro	(noun) elderly man, old man, patriarch	Male
Koro	(noun) elderly man, grandfather, granddad, grandpa – term of address to an older man, father (Williams 1971)	Male
Koroheke	(verb (-tia) or noun) to become elderly, old man, father, term of address to an adult male (Williams 1971)	Male
Korokoroua	(verb, modifier, or noun) to be elderly, old man	Male
Koromatua	(noun) chief (Williams 1971)	Male
Koroua	(verb, noun) elderly man, old man, elder, grandfather, granduncle, to be old, elderly	Male
Kui	(noun, personal noun) grandma, old woman, elderly woman – a term of address for an older woman, especially an elderly woman. In some areas only applied to a woman who is a mother (Williams 1971)	Female
Kuia	(noun) old woman, mother, grandmother, or other elderly female relative (Williams 1971)	Female
Kuikui	(noun) elderly woman, old woman, matriarch	Female
Mātāpuputu	(modifier, noun) elderly people, older generation, senior, old folk (Williams 1971)	Neutral
Nehe	(personal noun) elderly man, elderly women – used of elderly people, often as a term of address, old age (Williams 1971)	Neutral
Ngoingoi	(noun) elderly woman	Female
Pāhake	(verb, modifier, noun) to mature, grow up, older, adult, senior, elderly person, old man (Williams 1971)	Neutral and male
Pakeke Pa’eke	(verb, noun) adult male or woman; often refered to older people; can be used in the same sense as Kaumātua, grown up, old person (Williams 1971)	Neutral
Pēperekōu	(noun) elderly woman, elderly man, elder	Neutral
Pou Poua	(noun) sir, madam, granddad, grandma, old lady, old man – term of address to an elderly person and shortened form of pōua, old person (Williams 1971)	Neutral
Pouā	(verb (-tia), noun) to be old, age, grandfather (Williams 1971)	Male
Poupou	(noun) old folk (Williams 1971)	Neutral
Ruānuku	(noun) wise man, sage, old man	Male
Ruahine Ruwahine	(verb, noun) to become elderly, grow old – of a woman, old woman (Williams 1971)	Female
Rūruhi	(verb, modifier, noun) elderly woman	Female
Taikoroheke	(verb) to be a fairly elderly man	Male
Taikoroua	(noun) fairly elderly man, middle-aged man	Male
Taikuia	(verb (-tia), noun) to be a fairly elderly woman, old woman, middle-aged woman (with some tribes) (Williams 1971)	Female
Taua	(noun) grandmother, elderly woman	Female
Tāua	(noun) grandmother, old woman, grandparent, old man, ancestor	Neutral
Tauake Taueke	(noun) old man (Williams 1971)	Male
Tauheke	(noun) old man, male forbear, elder, grow old (Williams 1971)	Male
Tūnohunohu	(noun) elderly man, elderly woman, old person, elder	Neutral
Wheinga	(noun) very old person, elderly person	Neutral
Wheteke	(noun) be wrinkled, old person, elderly person	Neutral

Sources: Williams Dictionary (1971); Online Māori Dictionary.

The role of a Kaumātua was, and still is, a social construct. It is bestowed upon those who provide guidance on kawa (formal procedures), tikanga (customs) and mātauranga (knowledge) for their whānau (family) first and foremost, then hapū and iwi (Durie 2003). They are those individuals who through their education in te ao Māori (Māori world) are sought out by others for that knowledge, who stand and represent through karanga (ceremonial call), whaikōrero (speech) and waiata (chant, song), who are called upon to teach others, who have knowledge complementary to that of tohunga, those skilled to support the growth and development of the whānau, hapū and iwi.⁵

The changes in the word Kaumātua and what that means

Given the significance of the word ‘Kaumātua’ in the Kaumātua Futures research, further discussion is dedicated to its diverse meanings. Dictionaries offer an oversimplified definition of the term, overlooking the complexities, responsibilities and obligations the role entails and the embodiment of what it means to be a Kaumātua. Four dictionary meanings one compendium and one book definition are provided here followed by a short discussion comparing all which is later followed by a more extensive look at the meanings given to the term and notion of what it is to be a Kaumātua:

Williams 1971, p. 106 – 1. n. Adult 2. Old man or woman 3. v.i. Grow up, become adult

Moorfield 2011, p. 64 – 1. v. to grow old, grow up 2. n. adult, elder, elderly man, elderly woman, old man 3. a. elderly, old, aged

The Online Māori Dictionary (2002–2020), also a work of Moorfield, found at https://maoridictionary.co.nz/, adds ‘a person of status within the whānau’ to the third meaning noted in Te Aka.

Other meanings include:

Ngata 1993, p. 122 – (elder) 1. Kaumātua, kauheke, koroua, mātātupu. 2. Tuakana; (elderly) Kaumātua, koroua

Benton et al. 2013, p. 126 – A word with connotations of attaining or having attained adult status. Often used to refer specifically to elderly people, both men and women, and especially to those with the mana (authority - sic) to have an influence in community decision-making.

Mead 2003, p. 361 – elder or elders; then on p. 14 – The Kaumātua and kuia, the elders, are often the guardians of tikanga

The commonalities of the meanings in all, albeit two are by the same person, are that Kaumātua are elderly persons, can be both male and female, growing into maturity, growing old and being aged or elderly. Moorfield however adds two other meanings – ‘old man’ and ‘a person of status within the whānau’ supported by Ngata. The first of these other two meanings reflect the genderisation of the word to exclude elderly women reflecting the use of the phrase ‘Kaumātua and Kuia’ (Chalmers 2006; Wright-St Clair 2009). The second of those two meanings reflect the issues some whānau, hapū and iwi have with how the word is used today in that it leaves the meaning open to interpretation.

It can mean either that all elderly have special status in the whānau or, that there are specific elderly who have special status. The former seems to be the general meaning in use nowadays (McNeill 2005; Oetzel et al. 2019) and it is commonly acknowledged that elderly Māori occupies a special space of respect. However that meaning, as mentioned earlier, causes some consternation among some Kaumātua who believe not all elderly Māori deserve to be called Kaumātua. For them it is a title given to those who are able to perform the formal rituals of the marae (modern application referring to a gathering place), provide guidance because of their knowledge and do so all the time. To reach that level of knowledge often requires an apprenticeship.

All iwi have words they use in reference to the elderly. Another activity of the authors was to identify the number of words in current use around the country. In total, 43 words were found with 17 being male-specific, 11 female-specific, 13 gender neutral and 2 a mix of neutral and gender. They were found by searching the Williams Dictionary and the Online Māori Dictionary and Te Aka, its hard copy version (Moorfield, 2011). The list is not exhaustive as there are other sources some of which are mentioned earlier in the article but shows there are many words referencing Māori elderly from which to choose. Most, if not all, are still in use today.

Views differ, however, there is a general consensus that an individual does not just ‘become’ a Kaumātua. Common themes within divergent perspectives are wisdom, cultural skills, knowledge, traditions, an active role in Māori wellbeing, and visionaries for present and future generations. Notably, context determines meaning, particularly the traditional in contrast to the modern which is riddled with the complexities of colonisation, urbanisation, assimilation (Kepa 2015) and neoliberalism. Context provides different pictures. For example, pre-colonial elders would have all acquired the requisite knowledge now deemed to be important for a Kaumātua. Thus, the role continually evolves as society evolves.

Kepa (2015, p. 2) asserts that traditionally ‘First [sic] and foremost, the role of the Kaumātua entailed being Māori’, where Kaumātua led by example by fulfilling obligations such as ceremonial duties, servicing marae protocol, resolving disputes or hosting guests, enabling younger tribe members to learn what it meant to be Māori. Kaumātua had expertise in different areas; some were ‘custodians of knowledge and traditions’ (Kepa 2015, p. 2), which they passed on to tribe members; others cared for and taught children important life skills such as carving, weaving and fishing; and some were advisors and counsellors. Durie (1999, p. 102) further emphasises the significance of Kaumātua to their tribes by noting, ‘they are critical for the survival of tribal mana’ and that from a Māori perspective tribes will not function effectively without the presence and authority of the elders. Cleave (2009, p. 120) describes Kaumātua as ‘charismatic figures’ who follow strict kawa (marae protocol), particularly during cultural occasions; speak Te Reo Māori proficiently, and are experts in whakapapa (genealogy). Chalmers (2006, p. 291) utilises ‘Kaumātua’ in a gender-specific way when they refer to the Kuia (elderly woman) and Kaumātua (elderly man in this context) as ‘the historical conscience of the community; the guides to the future’, emphasising the importance of their knowledge in shaping the future of Māori communities. Wright-St Clair (2009) also uses the phrase Ka’ai-Mahuta (2006) further notes that Kaumātua are never self-proclaimed which, in a traditional sense, is supported by Stephens (2002) research that found, through participant narratives that it was the communities who endowed Kaumātua status and they ‘just knew’ appropriate individuals for the role. Conversely, identifying Kaumātua in modern times is a more difficult task due to the diaspora and dismantling of language, identity and culture in older Māori through colonisation, deeming them as unsuitable for Kaumātua status (Durie 1999; Stephens 2002). Today, one cannot ‘just know’ (Stephens 2002) and the role and function of an age group with knowledge and skills necessary for the mana (authority, status) of the whānau, hapū and iwi begins to change. However one of the anomalies of this situation is there is a generation who do not necessarily have fluency and competency in the language but do indeed have the knowledge pertinent to tribal lore. Additional anomalies include those who are appointed as Kaumātua of organisations especially government departments and non-government organisations and some businesses (Ruwhiu and Ruwhiu 2005) and the need by some iwi businesses to appoint Kaumātua for their knowledge of tikanga (Te Aho 2005).

Durie (1999) draws attention to evolving Kaumātua roles in contemporary times, urging the traditional to be viewed alongside the modern in keeping with diverse Māori realities. That way, those without the cultural skills necessary are viewed positively and the reciprocity of care from extended family is not compromised (Durie 1999). A concern for some is the additional challenge of the younger generation’s value of modern knowledge over traditional knowledge which threatens Kaumātuatanga (the act of being a Kaumātua) (Stephens 2002), and speaks to the Westernised concepts of neoliberalism and consumerism, pervasive in today’s society. Dyall et al. (2013) assert Kaumātua develop and support healthy whānau, hapū and iwi, which is consistent with views, for example, from Māori research participants who remarked that a factor identifying Kaumātua was their contribution to the well-being of their communities (Stephens 2002). From a present-day perspective, this entails involvement with Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) claims and settlements (Stephens 2002); consultation with government agencies regarding the protection of Te Ao Māori (Ruwhiu and Ruwhiu 2005); protecting the interests of present and future generations (Dyall et al. 2013); representation on boards, councils, universities and schools, as well as advisory roles (Kepa 2015; Ruwhiu and Ruwhiu 2005). By contrast, the Ministry of Health (MOH 1997) looked historically when defining Kaumātua declaring the traditional role encompasses the guardianship ‘of wisdom, knowledge and traditions, and of moana [ocean], awa [river], whenua [land], forests, whānau and the marae’ (p. 7). Their responsibilities are ‘not assumed upon reaching a certain age but is an honour conferred upon a person depending on whakapapa, experience and ability’ (MOH 1997, pp. 7–8) and is an earned status.

In terms of the public domain, perspectives vary. However, there remains a persistent attribution of age associated with becoming a Kaumātua. For example, within a Facebook discussion instigated by a post querying one’s age to be considered a Kaumātua (Kaka 2019), various ages were forwarded (among other notions dismissing age), mostly ranging from 50 to 65, with 65 years being prevalent. Notably, some comments alluded to the age of eligibility for ‘Kaumātua Grants’ from iwi as a signifier of attaining Kaumātua status. This has arguably been crystallized in the public psyche as the ‘appropriate’ age in becoming a Kaumātua due to the 65-year eligibility for both ‘Kaumātua Grants’ and New Zealand superannuation. Waldon (2004) asserts ‘Kaumātua’ ‘is a functional term rather than an indication of age’ (p. 177), and also comments that the nature of a Kaumātua contribution to Māori society is a more fitting indicator of Kaumātua status rather than age. These sentiments are echoed by Durie (1999), who notes there is no fixed age in fulfilling Kaumātua roles, asserting that individual’s in their forties and fifties ‘with exceptional skills’ (p. 103) take on Kaumātua responsibilities and all iwi can name individuals who have been thus recognised. Durie (1999) further remarks that mid-sixties are more ‘universally recognised’ (p. 103) as the eligibility age, but on reaching their eighties, an individual’s active Kaumātua role becomes one of support in order to relieve them from the demands of the role.

Another aspect of the Kaumātua conversation related to who can be one, is whether any elderly person, no matter the ethnicity, can be assigned the term. There is evidence of it being used generally to mean all elderly persons even as early as 1855–1860 (The Māori Messenger). An example is that of social gatherings for the purposes of bringing elders of all ethnicities together, being loosely described as Kaumātua support groups. Two of the Kaumātua involved in the advisory group to the Kaumātua Futures research organise one such group and always refer to all their participants no matter the ethnicity as Kaumātua. If the meaning of the term was accepted to mean all elderly then its assignment as such, fits. If, however, the other meaning whereby the elder had to be fluent in the language and or knowledgeable of the Māori world view then, that may not be so. There are many examples of non-Māori who have those skills or who are acknowledged for their service to Māori. The bestowing of the term and mantle of ‘Kaumātua’ on non-Māori however, remains that of whānau, hapū and iwi.

In spite of divergent perspectives of what it means to be a Kaumātua, the enduring element is their significance to whānau, hapū and iwi in upholding all that it means to be Māori (Kepa 2015) through their experience, wisdom and mātauranga (knowledge). Notwithstanding the ongoing oppression of colonisation and assimilation, Kaumātua traditions persist, and regardless of perspective, their mana remains unquestioned within Te Ao Māori except perhaps, in exceptional circumstances like the committing of a particular crime.⁶ Traditional meets contemporary where Kaumātua are crucial in guiding their communities, often within the constraints of Westernised institutions and systems which speaks to the evolution of their role.

Despite the guise of modern times, the past continues to guide the present and the future through Kaumātua adherence to kawa (Cleave 2009) and practices that are tika (correct). Arguably, it is here, in modern times that Kaumātua significance intensifies. Historical injustices have given rise to individuals’ lacking the necessary cultural skills, and additionally, the young embracing all that is modern while disregarding the traditional (Durie 1999; Stephens 2002) calls into question the capability of future Kaumātua. This present dilemma is captured by Schudson (as cited in Chalmers 2006, p. 291) where he comments ‘The past shapes the present whether or not people in the present notice the past. The past sets up some choices and some possibilities for what follows and forecloses others’. This is an apt reminder that Kaumātua shape generations of the past, present and future in all that it is to be Māori, and without them, Māori identity becomes a waka (canoe) without its kaihautū (leader).

Is the word evolving?

At the 2019 Ageing Well National Symposium held in Wellington and the 2019 National Kaumātua Service Providers Conference (NKSPC) held in Rotorua, the use of the word and term were quite different. At the National Symposium, Kaumātua was used for all elderly Māori. At the NKSPC, two observations were made – one being the word Kaumātua was used in reference to all elderly Māori when it was used, and it was used primarily by the elderly Māori who attended; the second, being presenters seldom used the word Kaumātua. Rather they used the word most identifiable with their dialect, e.g. pa’eke, kuia, koroua and pakeke. One would take it from that observation that in fact the meaning is not changing, not adapting to the contemporary environment. However, if one were to listen to whaikōrero (formal speechmaking) and kōrero (informal speech) in general, then one would observe the difference in usage – namely the reference to Kaumātua being elderly men only by the use of the phrase ‘Kaumātua and Kuia’ (Chalmers 2006). Even the earlier references, e.g. the quote from Te Hau Mataira above implies he is talking specifically about men. One could surmise the gendering of the word was in fact ‘mai rā anō’⁷ or one could also take it that colonisation had already had an impact (Durie 1999, 2003; Kepa 2015) so much so, that the meaning of the word had changed by the early 1900s if it had in fact been inclusive of both men and women as Williams said in the 1844 edition of ‘A Dictionary of the Maori Language’. However, it could also signal a regional difference in meaning.

There are those who would argue the reference to Kaumātua being only men is one from ‘mai rā anō’. In other words, in one’s lifetime or ‘going back to the 1800s and or earlier’ with some evidence available in early Māori newspapers available in the Niupepa database (Te Puke Ki Hikurangi 1897–1913). The same newspapers are also likely to present Kaumātua as being both male and female (Te Waka Maori o Niu Tireni 1871–1877). The possibility it may be a result of colonisation wherein the coloniser gave preference to men over women may be a consideration for further research. Cross-fertilisation with Pākehā (white new Zealanders) and across iwi has also meant that possible regional variations are becoming exposed, and the non-gender and gender-specific usages being heard around the country.

A major impact is a divide between those who do not have the language and yet have the knowledge of kawa, tikanga, whakapapa and the mātauranga that informs those. They know how marae are to be set up in preparation for a hui (gathering) whatever the nature. They know the kawa of each of their marae and when and how to inform visitors from elsewhere. They are or have been the workers in the kitchen so they know how to cater for groups no matter the size. They are prepared in the art of karanga, all aspects of whaikōrero and waiata to support those who have the language fulfil those rituals on the marae ātea (public speaking forum) or in the wharenui (large/meeting house) yet often find themselves having to occupy secondary roles because of their lack of language (Durie 2003). Their counsel is not sought because it is assumed they know nothing. So what happens to these Kaumātua who find themselves in this position? They either choose to no longer participate in marae activities yet remain available to their whānau to provide advice and share their knowledge. They may also sit quietly behind in support of those in front and demonstrate their support by participating in the kinaki, the relish to add value to the whaikōrero, usually a waiata. One of the many things to be explored in the research is what does happen to those Kaumātua who have knowledge of tikanga but not the language in which to verbalise that it?

Having the language is no guarantee of having the knowledge required to be a Kaumātua if having knowledge of kawa, tikanga, whakapapa and mātauranga informing those, defines who are Kaumātua, however, it does go some way toward that. As Durie (1999) said, acquiring the knowledge and skills may mean some are given the status of a Kaumātua at an early age and every iwi can name these people. That alone gives lie to the notion Kaumātua is/was age related. So why are other words that reference elderly Māori generically, not used e.g. pakeke/pa’eke or koroheke? A question to be explored in the research.

In closing

The purpose of this article was to raise the issue of change in the Māori language. Like all languages, it has evolved and continues to evolve as words are added and other words take on new meanings and some words are under-used or no longer used at all or significantly influenced by the more dominant language, English (Harlow et al. 2009; Keegan 2017). The word Kaumātua has been the focus in the article because it is directly related to research, namely the Kaumātua Futures project.

The usage of the word Kaumātua is evolving and its evolution is having an impact on the social construct that was and still exists in all iwi; so much so it is creating resentment and division noted in Stephens’ article (2002) wherein she discussed Kaumātua participation in Treaty submissions, presentations, negotiations and settlements. In that situation, it was usual that Kaumātua were seen to be out-of-touch and lacking what was deemed to be the requisite knowledge in both the Māori and Pākehā worlds. Younger members of tribes resented being limited in what they could say and how they could participate. From the other perspective – that of the older Māori making a statement because of being excluded – the best example is Titewhai Harawira’s objection at Te Tii Marae in February 1998 (NZ Herald, 1 April 2020), to Helen Clark, the then Prime Minister of the country, being given the privilege of speaking on the marae ātea when many Māori women who were fluent speakers in the language had not been accorded that privilege. Although the situation was very different, it was a very public display of what can happen when the opinions of those who know tikanga, as Titewhai does⁸, and yet are not speakers of the language, are not sought, especially those of the women elders. The incident is an important moment in New Zealand history although it did not change the kawa of the marae at all. The outcome was that the meeting of government with Māori leaders which always happened prior to the Treaty celebration in Waitangi was moved from Te Tii Marae to the Treaty House grounds. It now takes to place on the marae ātea (formal speaking courtyard) of Te Whare Rūnanga⁹ where Mere Mangu the current Chair of Te Rūnanga-Ā-Iwi-O-Ngāpuhi stood to speak during the formal speech making on Waitangi Day, February 2020 (Te Ao Māori News 2020). Her stand, not necessarily what she said, sent ripples throughout the gathering and the country as a whole.¹⁰ What these two examples of women – one being elderly and the other entering into that age – objecting and taking a stand demonstrate, is a need for the position of this group within iwi to be examined. Perhaps that will arise in the research and is deserving of another paper.

That division is likely to go away as generations pass on and an evolved meaning becomes standard. Change is an inevitable process. It happens everywhere and to every language and culture known to humankind and as stated at the beginning of this article, to the point of language extinction in some cases. For Māori and the Māori language, the graduates of Kohanga Reo, Wharekura, Kura Reo and Te Panekiretanga dominate in teaching, broadcasting, social media and many other settings. They are also beginning to take a place in the formal marae settings. It is their version of the language that will become more authorised by its increased usage in future so change in meaning is inevitable.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by University of Otago [Ageing Well National Science Challenge / 18566 SUB].

Notes

1 Māori language learning educational institutions from preschool to secondary where the Māori language is the first language.

2 Panekiretanga was considered the very pinnacle of excellence in Māori language learning and speaking.

3 Schools where English is the language of transmission, teaching and learning.

4 As this is a direct quote, spelling and grammar have been left in their original form.

5 A much fuller description of the ways in which the meaning of the word and term, the assigning of the role, and how it is perceived in whānau, hapū and iwi is a little later in the article.

6 There are always exceptions, for example, Pita Awatere, who was convicted of murder and died in prison, never lost his status as a Kaumātua because of his outstanding leadership and overall intellectual brilliance in both the Māori and non-Māori worlds. His tangi (wake) was attended by many from throughout the country and his cortege was stopped at many marae on its journey from Auckland to his final resting place.

7 Often used in the context of ‘for as long as I have known’ or ‘forever’, usually used in reference to one’s lifetime.

8 She had said, she had no objection to Helen Clark speaking after the tapu (restrictions) of the whaikōrero had been, a tikanga applied on many marae throughout the country.

9 The carved house opened exactly 100 years after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi.

10 Subject matter for another paper.