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ABSTRACT
This article focuses on Yi Tǒgyo (1897–1932), a nurse-turned-doctor and one of the pioneering female physicians of colonial-age Korea. I aim to investigate how Yi’s medical practice and her understanding of public health and hygiene reflected both the general ideology of “medical modernity” and more specifically Yi’s socialist leanings, as well as her quest for a more gender-equal society. Furthermore, the article will explore the meanings of gender equality in Yi’s journalistic writings and public utterances, as well as her ways of practicing the ideals of socialist feminism in both personal and public life and her attitudes towards lesbian intimacy and bisexuality. Additionally, the article examines the complicated context of Yi’s varied interactions with the Japanese colonial authorities and their press organs and identifies the overlaps between Yi’s ideals of socialist “medical modernity” and the modernist public health practices of colonial-period Korea’s imperialist rulers. Overall, by focusing on Yi’s life, beliefs, writings, and practices, this article aims to improve our understanding of modern socialist feminism, modern medicine, and the interactions between these two domains in colonial Korean society.
이 논문의 주인공은 식민지 시기 조선의 선구적인 여성 의사 중의 한 명이며 동시에 열렬한 사회주의였던 이덕요 (李德耀,1897–1932)다. 이 논문은 의사이자 사회주의자인 이덕요의 의학 지식 대중화 노력 등에 초점을 두어서, 그녀의 “의료”에 대한 이해가 그 당시에 “의료적 근대성”의 주류 통념들과 어떤 관계에 있었으며, 그녀의 젠더 해방 지향과 사회주의 이념과 어떻게 상호작용했는지 알아보고자 한다. 이와 동시에 이 논문은 이덕요의 사회주의적 여성관과 그녀의 성과 성평등, 연애, 결혼에 대한 신념을 조명하여, 그녀가 “적애” (赤愛, 사회주의적 연애)를 어떻게 실천에 옮겼는지 알아본다. 이외에는 이 논문은 이덕요의 의학 지식 대중화 운동과 조선 총독부의 “대중위생론” 사이의 중첩되는 점에 착안하여 양쪽의 근대적 진료, 위생관의 상통하는 점 등을 알아보고 이덕요와 일제 관영 언론 사이의 관계에 대한 이해를 시도해본다. 결론적으로 이 논문은 이덕요의 신념, 실천, 그리고 저술 활동에 대한 조명을 통해서 1920–30년대의 사회주의적 여성해방론, 그리고 사회주의적 페미니즘과 의학적 근대성 사이의 관계에 대한 우리 이해를 심화시키고자 한다.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2017S1A6A3A02079082). The author wants to express his profound gratitude to the two anonymous readers whose comments were of great help in improving this paper and preparing it for publication. He would also like to thank the editorial staff for their assistance.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 In the case of the journals, see Yi (Citation2021). See also a selection of the original texts in Ch’ǒngam Taehakkyo Chaeil K’orian Yǒn’guso (Citation2022, pp. 13–54, 62–101).
2 For pre-publication censorship in the case of the periodicals, see Robinson (Citation1988, pp. 50–55).
3 Chŏng Chongmyŏng (1896–?) moved North after 1945 and nothing is known about her activities after 1948. The year of her death is unknown.
4 See Hǒ Chǒngsuk’s biography in Barraclough (Citation2015).
5 Yi (Citation2015) explains Hǒ’s ideological development in the 1920s.
6 The standard works are Kim (Citation2016, pp. 131–226) and Barraclough (Citation2015). See an inclusive bibliography in Kim (Citation2016, pp. 309–326).
7 The most representative recent ones are Ch’oe and Sǒn (Citation2020) on Yi (Citation2015) on Hǒ.
8 No information is available about the whereabouts of An Kwangch’ŏn (1897-?) after 1931. His year of death remains unknown.
9 Yu Yŏngjun’s (1892-?) activities in North Korea (where she moved to soon after the Liberation) are not known after 1962, and thus the year of her death is unknown.
10 On social mobility channels granted to a small minority of Koreans who managed to reach college level in their academic careers, see Kim, Y. (Citation2009b, pp. 131–172) and Yumakoshi (Citation2001, pp. 155–160).
11 On this discrimination and the consequent prominence of the northerners among early modernizers, see Hwang (Citation2002).
12 Yu Yŏngjun’s (1892-?) activities in North Korea (where she moved to soon after the Liberation) are not known after 1962, and thus the year of her death is unknown.
13 Chŏng Chongmyŏng (1896–?) moved North after 1945 and nothing is known about her activities after 1948. The year of her death is unknown.
14 Chŏng Chongmyŏng studied at a nursery school affiliated with the missionary Severance Hospital between 1917 and 1920 and at the Government General-run midwifery school in 1920 (Ch’oe & Sǒn, Citation2020, pp. 148–151).
15 On the system of licensed prostitution and sex trade in colonial Korea, see Soh (Citation2004, pp. 172–173). See also an interview with a former Kŭn’uhoe activist in Hangyoreh (Citation1989).
16 See an analysis of this piece by Yi (Citation1930d) in the contemporary context in Pak (Citation2021, pp. 55–57).
17 On the Japanese appropriation of the “scientific colonialism” discourse and the importance of medical and hygienic practices for Meiji-period Japanese colonial enterprise, see Rogaski (Citation2004, pp. 136–164). On Japan’s emphasis on biomedicine in its colonial governance in Korea, see Kim (Citation2019b, p. 8).
18 On Han’s life and activities, see Kim (Citation2019a).
19 On lesbian love among girl students as a “danger,” see Pak-Ch’a (Citation2018, p. 244).
20 Yi Hyŏn’gyŏng’s (1902–-?) activities after 1931 are entirely unknown. Her year of death remains unknown.
21 No information is available about the whereabouts of An Kwangch’ŏn (1897-?) after 1931. His year of death remains unknown.
22 On the de facto persistence of these forms, see, for example, Brinton and Oh (Citation2019).
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Vladimir Tikhonov
Vladimir TIKHONOV (Pak Noja) is currently teaching Korean and general East Asian studies at Oslo University, Norway. He previously worked for Kyunghee University in South Korea. His publications currently focus on Korean modern history, especially the history of Korean socialist movement, including socialist feminism. He has been also working on the history of Korean Buddhism and Korean nationalism. Email: [email protected]