Aristocracy and litigation in the seventeenth century: a transnational space for family lawsuits1

 1. I am really grateful to Miriam Nyham for her kindness and patience in editing this article. Despite all her mastery, some grammar mistakes might remain due to my last revisions.

Abstract

The aim of this article is to show how the composite and international domains and fiefs of early modern Spanish Monarchy aristocracy allowed noble households to become a type of transnational juridical space. From the later centuries of the Middle Ages onwards two related developments took place in Europe: the formation of composite monarchies and the emergence of (nonetheless composite) elites. In early modern Europe, the existence of an aristocracy with domains in different kingdoms was a matter of fact. Litigation was an everyday activity for the aristocracy, and as a consequence of its cosmopolitan fiefs and inheritances noblemen and their lawyers were compelled to be familiar with several national legalities and property systems. As a consequence, news regarding courts, suits, local rights and privileges reached the main households of different kingdoms on an ongoing basis. Because of this, household offices and archives became spaces where cosmopolitan legal expertise and knowledge were filed and studied. Noblemen quickly discovered the advantages of the confusion and the conflicting use of foreign legislation in the courts.

Keywords:

• aristocracy
• litigation
• lawsuits
• transitional domains
• jurisdictions
• family conflict

Notes

 1. I am really grateful to Miriam Nyham for her kindness and patience in editing this article. Despite all her mastery, some grammar mistakes might remain due to my last revisions.

 2. On the modern origin of the nation see the classics by Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities; Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780.

 3. The question comes from the famous Connor, “When is a nation?”

 4. Marx, Faith in Nation; Smith, “Nationalism in early modern Europe”. In my opinion, this discrepancy is not due to different definition.

 5. Connor, “The timelessness of nations,” 37.

 6. Smith, “Dating the nation,” 65.

 7. Kagan, “Nación y patria en la historiografía de la época austriaca.”

 8. Spanish people, for instance, were Tubal's descendants, as mentioned in the remarkable Botella Ordinas, Monarquía de España.

 9. As Jacques Krynen has pointed out, in fifteenth-century France, in the context of The Hundred Years' War, country and prince naturel were considered an indissoluble union by ‘patriotic’ propaganda. Krynen, Jacques, L'empire du roi, 328.

10. According to some historians of the nation this is not only a fact of the early modern period. As Anthony Smith stated, ‘after all, we all carry multiple identities, and perhaps more than one political identity- as, for example, Scots or Welsh have for several centuries in Britain’. Smith, “Nationalism in early modern Europe,” 410.

11. Indeed, the modern nation was born rejecting nobility and the ‘noble nation’. In 1789 Emmanuel Sièyes in his famous Qu'est-ce que le Tiers- État? stated that ‘Don't aristocracy own privileges, exemptions and rights apart from the rest of the citizens’ rights? Because of it they are out of the common order and law. Therefore, aristocratic rights mean nobility to be people apart from the rest of the big nation.' I quote and translate from a Spanish version, Sièyes, Emmanuel. ¿Qué es el tercer estado? Ensayo sobre los privilegios, 90. Madrid, 1989.

12. Nieto Soria, José Manuel. “El poderío real absoluto en el siglo XV.”

13. It was not true from a legal and political point of view, but a factual one. The king was not the soverign of the Spanish monarchy, but the ruler of each kingdom. Applying the famous theory of the two bodies of the king to the Catholic king, we could state that he had one natural body and a political one for each kingdom he ruled. For the theory of the King's two bodies see the classic Kantorowicz, Ernst H. The King's Two Bodies.

14. See Herzog, Tamar, Defining Nations.

15. Some scholars consider that the transnational approach is also appropriate for early modern studies, even taking into account the more ideological and community conscience of the nation. As Yun states, ‘the use of term “transnational” in its broadest sense, and indeed in its etimological sense, may be justifiable for this era. This for two reasons. Fistly, it is justifiable in as much as we can consider it to be linked to … the group of people born within one and the same community. Secondly, it is justifiable if we consider this as an imagined community that is not ncesarily a nation in the modern sense of the term.’ Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé. “‘Localism’, global history and transnational history,” 667.

16. Some scholars consider that the transnational approach is also appropriate for early modern studies, even taking into account the more ideological and community conscience of the nation. As Yun states, ‘the use of term “transnational” in its broadest sense, and indeed in its etimological sense, may be justifiable for this era. This for two reasons. Fistly, it is justifiable in as much as we can consider it to be linked to … the group of people born within one and the same community. Secondly, it is justifiable if we consider this as an imagined community that is not ncesarily a nation in the modern sense of the term.’ Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé. “‘Localism’, global history and transnational history,”, 660, n. 2.

17. Tyrrell, Ian. “What is transnational history?” Paper given at the École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, January 2007. http://iantyrrell.wordpress.com/what-is-transnational-history/ 27/01/09. As Tyrrel states, ‘it applies to the period since the emergence of the nation states as important phenomenon in world history’. According to this scholar this period began in Westphalia (1648). Some scholars consider that the transnational approach is also appropriate for early modern studies, even taking into account the more ideological and community conscience of the nation. As Yun states, ‘the use of term “transnational” in its broadest sense, and indeed in its etimological sense, may be justifiable for this era. This for two reasons. Fistly, it is justifiable in as much as we can consider it to be linked to … the group of people born within one and the same community. Secondly, it is justifiable if we consider this as an imagined community that is not ncesarily a nation in the modern sense of the term.’ Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé. “‘Localism’, global history and transnational history,”

18. Bayly et al., “AHR conversation: on transnational history,” See online at http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/ahr/111.5/introduction.html 29/01/09. The department of History and Civilization of the European University Institute is developing and encouraging this kind of studies. Articles produced in this framework were published, among other scholars' works, in Yun Casalilla, ed., Las Redes del Imperio. Élites sociales en la articulación de la Monarquía Hispánica, 1492–1714, Madrid, 2009. See the introduction to this book, Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé, “Entre el imperio colonial y la monarquía compuesta. Élites y territorios en la Monarquía Hispánica (ss. XVI y XVII),” in ibid., 11–35. I thank Bartolomé Yun for his permission to read and quote from this introduction before its publication.

19. Entangled history, as a transnational one, has focused on the relationship between empires. It could also be useful as an analytical tool for the study of interactions among early modern corporations belonging or not to early modern composite monarchies. On entangled history see Cañizares- Esguerra, “Entangled Histories.”

20. Historians have given different names to the concept: composite states, multiple kingdoms and composite monarchies are the most popular terms. In this paper I will consider them synonymous. Koenigsberger, “Dominium regale o dominium politicum et regale: monarquías compuestas y parlamentos en la Europa moderna”; Elliott, “A Europe of Composite Monarchies”; Russell and Andrés Gallego, dirs, Las monarquías del Antiguo Régimen, ¿monarquías compuestas?; Fernández Albadalejo, “El problema de la ‘composite monarchy’ en España,”. For a criticism of the concept see Botella Ordinas, Eva, op. cit., 34.

21. The union of the crowns of England, Scotland and Ireland before 1707 is also used to be considered a composite monarchy.

22. Elliott, op. cit., 51.

23. Kettering,Sharon, Patrons, brokers, and clients in seventeenth century France and Patronage in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century France.

24. Schaub, Le Portugal au temps du Comte- Duc d'Olivares (1621- 1640): Le conflit de jurisdictions comme exercice de la politique; Valladares, La rebelión de Portugal, 1640–1680; Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans.

25. Rao and Stupphellen, Steinar, “Power Elites and Dependent Territories,” 90. These authors state that during centuries of Angevin rule in Naples a new elite emerged. Merchants, businessmen and public servants from other territories belonging to the Angevin rulers settled in Naples, where they developed family, economic and political relationships with the local nobility. After one generation a new ruling class descending from rich, noble and transnational lineages emerged.

26. [True composite elites.] Gil Pujol, “Una cultura cortesana provincial,” 252.

27. [True composite elites.] Gil Pujol, “Una cultura cortesana provincial,” 252

28. [Origins of the dignity of Grandée of Castile.] Carrillo, Origen de la Dignidad de Grande de Castilla, preeminencias de las que goza en los actos públicos y palacio de los reyes de España.

29. [Origins of the dignity of Grandée of Castile.] Carrillo, Origen de la Dignidad de Grande de Castilla, preeminencias de las que goza en los actos públicos y palacio de los reyes de España, 24–2.

30. Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms.

31. As Ohlmeyer remarks, ‘Antrim's cosmopolitan heritage … offered him three potential theatres of action, and this was particularly pertinent during the 1640s.’ Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms, 8.

32. Kagan, Lawsuits and Litigants in Castile, 1500–1700, 71.

33. Pastor, Nobleza virtuosa, 61. The countess of Aranda did not sign her works until 1639.

34. As Álamos de Barrientos stated in 1598, ‘los pleitos en todo son guerras civiles’ [lawsuit and civil war are the same thing]. Álamos De Barrientos, Discurso político al rey Felipe III, al comienzo de su reinado, 114.

35. For instance, the succession to the powerful and wealthy House of Osuna was decided at court many times between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries. Atienza Hernádez, Aristocracia, poder y riqueza en la España moderna. La Casa de Osuna, siglos XV–XIX.

36. Kagan, op. cit., 71.

37. Quoted in Bouza, Corre manuscrito, 241.

38. Kagan, op. cit., xxiv.

39. Boyden, Ruy Gómez de Silva, Phillip II, and the Court of Spain.

40. Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva, 547.

41. In 1660 José Pandolfi, agent of the fifth Duke of Pastrana in Naples, wrote a long report to his master explaing the history of the Amendolea lawsuit, starting in 1532. ‘Parecer que vino de Nápoles de Joseph Pandolfi sobre el pleito que el Sr. Don Rodrigo de Silba litigaba en el Real Consejo de Nápoles el año de 1660 con el Duque de Bañara en razón de la Tierra de la Mendolea.’ AHN [Archivo Histórico Nacional], Osuna, leg. 2080–12.

42. Very dangerous. “Letter from Nunciatto Tranquilo to the Duke of Pastrana,” Naples, June 1689. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2080–17 (7).

43. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2209–13 (28).

44. This part of agents' duties used to be quite distressing. The secretaries in Castile were not aware of the importance of sending the documents required and the local agents had to insist time after time. In November 1694, the attorney Francisco Zavalero wrote a complaining letter from Naples to a Duke of Pastrana's secretary in Castile requesting copies of some documents required by the courts of Naples; he sadly remembered that ‘muchas veces se ha representado a S. E. fuese servido hordenar se se hiziesen diligencias grandes’ [Many times His Excellency has been begged him to give the orders to his servants] to look for the documents. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2080–14.

45. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2209–13 (21) and AHN, Osuna, leg. 2209– (30).

46. Information in old documents is not clear. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2080–13 (13).

47. AHN, Osuna, leg. 2209–13 (26).

48. [According to justice, I will never keep doing what I must do even wasting my blood and my children's.] AHN, Osuna, leg. 2080–15 (7).

49. AHN, Osuna, 2209–13 (37). It was not the first time that a Count of Salinas's agent almost died because of the rivalry existing between his lord and the House of Pastrana. In 1606, the young and childless Countess of Cifuentes died and both the Count of Salinas and the third Duke of Pastrana pretended to be her heirs. Both noblemen sent agents to Cifuentes, a Castilian village, in order to take possession of the county. As a result of the violent confrontations that followed the arrival of these men, one agent of the Count of Salinas was almost thrown out of a window of the town hall by the Duke of Pastrana's supporters. AHN, Cifuentes, box. 4, doc. 5.

50. Contel Barea, “Fondos nobiliarios en el Archivo Histórico Nacional,” 403–4.

51. [The princess could not show the contract because it was deposited in the archives of the House of Melito in Melito (Naples)]. AHN, Osuna, 3104 (2), f. 11.

52. Quoted in note 44.

53. Clavero, Historia del derecho: derecho común, Salamanca, 1994.

54. Clavero, “Beati Dictum: Derecho de linaje, economía de familia y cultura de orden.”

55. Clavero, Mayorazgo.

56. Marques, “Lei Mental.” The Lei Mental can be checked in http://www.iuslusitaniae.fcsh.unl.pt/verlivro.php?id_parte = 120&id_obra = 76&pagina = 93 24/08/08.

57. Delille, Famille et proprieté dans le royaume de Naples (XV–XVI siècles), 27–77; Santamaría, I feudi, il diritto feudale e la loro storia nell'Italia meridionale.

58. Salazar y Castro, Luis de, op. cit., 367.

59. They lasted until the beginning of the Poruguese war of independence in 1640.

60. As the Count of Salinas's lawyers pointed out, don Juan de Silva was a knight from Portugal ‘y aviendo en aquel Reyno leyes y constituciones prohibitivas de representación, fue visto conformarse con ellas y querer que su mayorazgo se proporcionasse al mismo estilo y costumbre’ [As far as the laws and constitutions of the kingdom of Portugal forbade the right of representation, he wanted his entailment to be jurifically constituted according to that Portuguese legislation]. AHN, Osuna, c. 3277 (1) b, f. 1.

61. ‘… y respeto de los lugares y bienes de que dispuso [don Juan de Silva] pues fuera gran desigualdad, ser titulado en estos Reynos, y vincular la Casa y Estados de Cifuentes, conforme a las leyes de Portugal’ [It would have been a very inequitable situation to be a Count of Castile and to entail the household of Cifuentes according to Portuguese laws]. AHN, Osuna, c. 3277 (1) b, f. 1

62. For the Castilian case see Nieto Soria, op. cit.

63. ‘The letters [of naturalization] enabled the municipal authorities or the king to disregard normal procedures and to intervene by constituting as citizens or natives people who were not, or by aiding other whose status was questioned.’ Herzog, op. cit., 5.

64. See for instance Sanz Ayán, “Concesión de naturalezas y capitalismo cosmopolita durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” 7–20.

65. More details may be found in Terrasa Lozano, Patrimonios aristocráticos y fronteras jurídico-políticas en la Monarquía Católica: los pleitos de la Casa de Pastrana en el siglo XVII.