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Articles

A regionalisation or long-distance trade? Transformations and shifts in the role of Tana in the Black Sea trade in the first half of the fifteenth century

Pages 508-525 | Received 04 Feb 2015, Accepted 06 Oct 2015, Published online: 14 Mar 2016
 

Abstract

The Italian trading stations in Tana were important in the long-distance trade system of the Italian maritime republics Venice and Genoa. The deeds of two Venetian notaries who worked there during the 1430s, Nicolo de Varsis and Benedetto de Smeritis, are an important source for tracing the transformation of the issues and directions of Italian trade in the Black Sea region, a trade which was recovering from the crisis of the fourteenth century. Notwithstanding the Venetian-Genoese struggle and previous crisis events, this recovery made the economic conditions favourable. Although some scholars see a regionalisation of trade in fifteenth century, the source evidence challenges this interpretation. Westerners began to import Italian, Flemish and English textiles to the Eastern markets, and the local goods (fish, caviar) were widely exported to Europe – even to the markets of Flanders. Finally, the slave trade was intensive. My main argument here is that though there were considerable transformations in the Italian trade, there was no real regionalisation of trade, which retained its long-distance character.

Notes

1. Karpov, Итальянские морские республики, 210.

2. Hereafter, in saying “Northern Black Sea coast” or “Black Sea region,” I imply the coast of the Azov Sea as well. In addition, one should mention that the division of the Italian Tana and the nomadic Djuchid city of Azak (broadly called “Tana” by Western European writers) is quite arbitrary. However, following the established tradition in historiography, I use the name “Tana” to refer to the Italian settlement.

3. This happened largely due to the recovery from crisis in Europe itself, the growth of local markets, the involvement of the countryside in exchange, and the intensification of contacts. Another important factor was the development of the banking sector.

4. The Venetian trade with Flanders is reflected in the deeds of the 1430s. The expedition to Flanders is mentioned in: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Notarili Testamenti. 750. f. 23r. (See a brief presentation of the sources in later notes).

5. Braudel, Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme; the funds invested annually into commerce equaled 10 mil. ducats and gave 40% profit.

6. Karpov, “От Таны в Ургенч,” 219–20.

7. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Âge, Vol. 2, 258–9. See also: Oikonomides, Hommes d’affaires grecs et latins.

8. Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne, 421–2.

9. Shitikov, “Константинополь и венецианская торговля,” 51. The increase in the quantity of galleys went along with an increase in the rates for each one at auction.

10. One should take into account that these expeditions by galleys were concerned with the sottili goods (spices, silk, jewels, textiles); the amount of cheaper and heavier goods prevailing in that period (grain, salt, wine, oil, fish) transported on the private “round” vessels is hard to estimate.

11. See Kozubovski, “О времени появления,” 156. Fomichev, “Джучидские монеты,” 229–38.

12. See for example, Berindei and Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 143.

13. Karpov, “Венецианская Тана,” 10. The deeds include trade documents, those dealing with buying and selling goods, other contracts of sale, sale of real estate with a transfer of rights, the sale and liberation of slaves, the sale of shares, trading commissions (comissiones, missio), trade agreements and contracts (in societas, commenda), gifts of real estate with certain conditions, procurationes, testimonies, bonds, receipts of debt, sales of ships, loans, cambium, the repayment of debt, marriage contracts, receipts for dowries, wills, employment contracts for service, promises, agreements to provide services, renting of dwellings, ships, and servants, arbitration agreements, inventories of property, and so on.

14. What factors contributed to the loss of some documents? First, some deeds could be lost due to objective reasons: fire, water and rodents were always the enemies of any documents. In addition, the notaries and their scribes perceived documents as a burden which occupied space. The Ottoman conquest also had an impact, so only those documents that were sent to the metropolis survived.

15. Archivio di Stato di Venezia. Cancelleria Inferior, busta 231, Nicolaus de Varsis, hereafter ASV, CI. 231; Archivio di Stato di Venezia. Notarili Testamenti, busta 750, Nicolaus de Varsis, hereafter ASV, NT. 750. Archivio di Stato di Venezia. Notarili Testamenti, busta 917, Benedictus de Smeritis, hereafter ASV, NT. 917.

16. ASV, CI. 231; ASV, NT. 750.

17. ASV, NT. 917.

18. Here and henceforth, the term “Black Sea coast” is used to refer to the Black and Azov Seas.

19. This problem is, however, not a major one for our argument, since we are interested mainly in the long-distance trade, and therefore mainly in the segment of trade conducted by the Italian merchants, both Venetian and Genoese.

20. Karpov, Итальянские морские республики, 156.

21. Kolley, “Хаджи-Гирей хан,” 108.

22. Chursina, “Акты генуэзских нотариусов,” 56–7.

23. See in: Braudel, Civilisation matérielle.

24. ASV, NT. 750. 23r. Notably, 19 slaves were equal in price to 32 panni loesti (item de 1430 misimus in manibus viri nobilis ser Hermolai Pisani Venetiis testas decemnovem de quibus habuimus pannos loestos triginta duos).

25. ASV, NT. 750. f. 28r–f. 28v.

26. ASV, NT. 750. (1)–(2) f. 18v, f. 19v (4)–f. 20r, 27r–27v, 28v. ASV, NT. Cart. 917, 1.

27. ASV, NT. 750. f. 44r.

28. For others see: ASV, NT. 750. (1)–(2) f. 18v, f. 19v (4)–f. 20r, 27r–27v, 28v. ASV, NT. Cart. 917, 1.

29. See: Il Libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer, 204. Ashtor, “Aspetti della espansione italiana,” 11.

30. Régestes des délibérations, doc. 2500, a. 1439, Iun. 30.

31. ASV, NT. 750. f. 28v.

32. Coleman, The Economy of England 1450–1750, 53–4, 77, 78.

33. ASV, NT. 750. f. 21r.

34. ASV, NT. 750. f. 44r (not. n/n)–f. 44v.

35. ASV, NT 750. 3–3v. Other two vestes: ASV, NT 750. 22r.

36. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19v (4)–f. 20r.

37. ASV, NT. 750. 3–3v, 20r–20v, 21r, 22r, 27r–27v, 28v.

38. ASV, NT. 917, 5–6, 7. ASV, NT. 750. 2.

39. ASV, NT. 917, 1. ASV, NT. 750. f. 30v–f. 31r.

40. ASV, NT. 750. f. 20r–f. 20v.

41. ASV, NT. 750. 22r.

42. Régestes des délibérations, doc. 2500, a. 1439, Iun. 30.

43. Kramarovskii and Gookin, “Венецианские винные кубки,” 588.

44. Luzzato, Storia economica di Venezia, 19.

45. One had to own arms to be admitted to galleys, notwithstanding his status.

46. ASV, NT. 750. 3–3v, 21v–22r, 23r.

47. ASV, NT. 750. f. 28v.

48. ASV, NT. 750. 8, 24r–24v, 25r.

49. ASV, NT. 750. 8, 23r.

50. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19v (4)–f. 20r.

51. ASV, NT. 750. f. 23r.

52. Moreover, some of them are not related to trade dynamics, but were brought by the Venetians from home.

53. A bill transaction.

54. ASV, NT. 750. 3–3v.

55. ASV, NT. 750. 23r.

56. ASV, NT. 750. 23r.

57. ASV, NT. 750. 26v; 1430.

58. ASV, NT. 750. 20r–20v.

59. I viaggi in Persia, 77–8.

60. Ibid., 77–8.

61. Archives du Musée de Topkapi, K. 888, f. 305 r, 305 v., see Berindei, Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 11.

62. Balard, La Romanie Génoise, Vol. 2, 706. Fishing was seasonal (July to August), and the Genoese Matrega was often a transit point for the Italian ships. Besides Tana, Lo Copa on the Kuban River was important (Balard, La Romanie Génoise, 706–7); however, Tana was a leader in the export of fish, and according to Pero Tafur it was exported to Europe as far as Castille and Flanders. See Tafur, Wanderings and Travels, 53–4.

63. Balard, La Romanie Génoise, Vol. 2, 625.

64. Jacoby, “Caviar Trading in Byzantium,” 355.

65. Ibid., 357.

66. Ibid., 348.

67. Ibid., 351. Pegolotti, La Pratica della mercatura, 380; Jacoby, “Caviar Trading,” 352–3.

68. ASV, NT. 750. f. 29r.

69. Schreiner, Texte zur spätbyzantinischen Finanz- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 129, 132. The Greek book of accounts published by Schreiner witnesses that once 9.5 cantars of caviar from Tana were sold (Ibid., 62, 117). Caviar is called koupatikon (Ibid., 42. 118), and allegedly it was from Lo Copa (Ibid., 62; Jacoby, “Caviar Trading,” 355), but most likely it simply meant that the caviar was in barrels (Latin cupa), pace Peter Schreiner.

70. Tafur, Wanderings and Travels, 166.

71. Belgrano, “Prima serie di documenti,” 202.

72. Il Libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer, 416 (l-2), 417 (1–5). The price of caviar largely depended on its quality; Jacoby, “Caviar Trading,” 361.

73. I viaggi in Persia, 77–8.

74. Jacoby, “Caviar Trading,” 364.

75. Ibid., 359.

76. Balard, La Romanie Génoise, Vol. 2, 708.

77. I viaggi in Persia, 78.

78. Pegolotti, La Pratica della mercatura, 154, 224.

79. See: [Fomenko] Фоменко, Образ мира на старинных портоланах.

80. Volkov, Керамика Азова XIV – XVIII вв., 5–6. The amount of imported ceramics in Tana equalled only around 30% of all ceramics in use. Some of it was of the “Trebizond” group, some of it originated from Trillia, Crete, Madjar, Saraj, Choresme, Crimea, and presumably Spain and China. The “Crimean” group is represented by vessels from Caffa, Soldaia, Solkhat and southwestern Crimea.

81. Baranov, “Комплекс третьей четверти XIV века,” 547–55.

82. Ibid., 547.

83. Karpov, Итальянские морские республики, 127.

84. ASV, NT. 750. 23r.

85. ASV, NT. 750. 23r.

86. See: Berindei, Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 110–201.

87. ASV, Senato, Misti, LX, f. 236r. Régestes … № 2532.

88. Volkov, Керамика Азова XIV – XVIII вв., 8.

89. Belgrano, “Cinque documenti genovesi-orientali,” 249.

90. I viaggi in Persia, 78–9.

91. Veksler, Melnikova, Московские клады, 56.

92. Brun, “Черноморские готы,” 46-49.

93. Karpov, S. P. (Review of:) Schreiner, P., Texte, 217.

94. ASV, NT. 750. (1)–(2) f. 18v.

95. Rolova, “Итальянский купец,” 62–74.

96. ASV, NT. 750. (1)–(2) f. 18v: Item dare teneo ser Thome Beniventi pro cantaria duodecim zere.

97. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19v (4)–f. 20r.

98. Shitikov, “Константинополь и венецианская торговля,” 50.

99. ASV, Senato, Misti, XXXIII, f. 15v–16r.

100. ASV, Senato, Misti, XLVII, f. 85r. Régestes … № 1237.

101. Karpov, Итальянские морские республики [The Italian maritime republics], 117.

102. Tikhomirov, Древняя Москва XII – XV вв., 77–9.

103. Ibid., 152.

104. Interestingly, the words for fur coat or homespun coat (subbum), and caftan (cofanus) used in the deeds are borrowings. Another borrowing from Russian is a name for a sleigh used by Barbaro (zena).

105. ASV, NT. 750. 8, 20r–20v, 22r, 27r–27v, 28v, 31r.

106. Karpov, “Из Таны в Ургенч,” 219.

107. Tikhomirov, Древняя Москва XII – XV вв., 78.

108. Karpov, “Trebizond Empire and the Russian Lands,” 40.

109. Tikhomirov, Древняя Москва XII – XV вв., 77–9.

110. Il Libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer, 307, 334.

111. ASV, NT. 750. f. 23v–f. 24r.

112. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19v (4)–f. 20r.

113. Karpov, “Торговля зерном в Южном Причерноморье,” 26–35.

114. I viaggi in Persia, 86.

115. Berindei, Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 137.

116. I viaggi in Persia, 85.

117. I viaggi in Persia, 84–6.

118. ASV, NT. 750. f. 20r–f. 20v.

119. Karpov, Итальянские морские республики, 116.

120. Il Libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer, 15, 42, 166, 308, 309.

121. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19r (3)–f. 19v (4), 23r, 25r.

122. ASV, NT. 750. 8, f. 20r–f. 20v, f. 30v – f. 31r.

123. ASV, NT. 750. f. 19r (3)–f. 19v (4), 23r, 25r, 28v. Shirts are also mentioned otherwise, without the specification of silk: ASV, NT. 750. f. 20r–f. 20v, f. 30v–f. 31r. Another example: dimitto Chaterine filie Dominici viri mei chamisiam unam rechamatam de ciemisino et chabaga unam de sersti vergatam … item dimitto Marine uxori Hermachoza chamisiam unam de tella de sorgati (ASV, NT 750. 8).

124. ASV, NT. 750. 8, f. 20r–f. 20v, f. 30v–f. 31r.

125. Shitikov, “Константинополь и венецианская торговля,” 50.

126. Syroechkovsky, Гости-сурожане, 14.

127. Pegolotti, La Pratica della mercatura, 24; Balard, La Romanie Génoise, Vol. 2, 720.

128. Berindei, Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 127–8.

129. Berindei, Veinstein, “La Tana-Azaq,” 143.

130. Karpov, Путями средневековых мореходов, 58.

131. ASV, NT. 750. 5.

132. ASV, NT. 750. 23r.

133. ASV, NT. 750. f. 20r–f. 20v.

134. ASV, CI. 231. f. 2r, 2v, 3r.

135. Karpov, Путями средневековых мореходов, 61.

136. ASV, Senato, Misti, reg. 59, ff. 52r–53v.

137. One can trace a seasonal character in the trade based on the documents of the Venetian Senate on the sending of galleys, as well as on the statistical distribution of the notarial deeds within the year. They are concentrated mostly in the period between April and July, while the winter was a “dead season” for navigation.

138. ASV, NT. 750. 5.

139. Rolova, “Итальянский купец,” 64.

140. Karpov, “Из Таны в Ургенч,” 219.

141. Idem, “Итальянская торговля в Трапезунде,” 81.

142. Balard, La Romanie Génoise,Vol. 2, 338.

143. Karpov, [Review of] Michele Balard. La Romanie Génoise, 215.

144. Idem, “Итальянская торговля в Трапезунде,” 86.

145. Idem, “Кризис середины XIV в.,” 238.

146. I discovered relevant data on the prices of certain goods; contextualisation of this data and its comparison to the prices of the preceding and following periods could contribute to the economic history of the region as a whole.

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