Political travel across the ‘Iron Curtain’ and Communist youth identities in West Germany and Greece in the 1970s and 1980s

Abstract

This article explores tours through the Iron Curtain arranged by West German and Greek pro-Soviet Communist youth groups, in an attempt to shed light on the transformation of European youth cultures beyond the ‘Americanisation’ story. It argues that the concept of the ‘black box’, employed by Rob Kroes to describe the influence of American cultural patterns on Western European youth, also applies to the reception of Eastern Bloc policies and norms by the Communists under study. Such selective reception was part of these groups’ efforts to devise a modernity alternative to the ‘capitalist’ one, an alternative modernity which tours across the Iron Curtain would help establish. Nevertheless, the organisers did not wish such travel to help eliminate American/Western influences on youth lifestyles entirely: the article analyses the excursions’ aims with regard to two core components of youth lifestyles in Western Europe since the 1960s, which have been affected by intra-Western flows, the spirit of ‘doing one’s own thing’ and transformations of sexual practices. The article also addresses the experience of the travellers in question, showing that they felt an unresolved tension: the tours neither served as a means of Sovietisation nor as an impulse to develop an openly anti-Soviet stance.

Keywords:

• Youth
• travel
• Communism
• West Germany
• Greece

Acknowledgements

Data for this article were collected while I was an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow. I would like to thank the participants in the international conference ‘Entangled Transitions: Between Eastern and Southern Europe, 1960s–2014’ that took place in Leuven on 8–10 December 2014 for having discussed parts of this article with me. I would like to express my gratitude to Knud Andresen, Bart van der Steen, Bernhard Struck, Riccardo Bavaj, Thomas Mergel, James Mark, Kim Christiaens and Paris Papamichos Chronakis for having discussed with me some ideas of mine that are contained in this article. I wish to thank the four anonymous reviewers very much for their comments. I would also like to thank Damian Mac Con Uladh and Heidi Zagori for their careful copyediting of my text. Of course, I am solely responsible for the analysis and any errors herein.

Notes

1. “Heisse Tage in Potsdam…,” 22.

2. It should be clarified that SDAJ, MSB, KNE and PSK arranged not only excursions across the Iron Curtain, but also to domestic destinations. Several of their members also engaged in non-organised, informal youth travel. On such travel patterns of members of the KNE, see: Papadogiannis, Militant Around the Clock?, especially chapter 3.

3. Fitzpatrick and Rasmussen, Political Tourists.

4. See, for instance: “Information zum Verlauf und zu den Ergebnissen”, 22 November 1975, DY24, 23320, Bundesarchiv Berlin. 4. The youth organisation of the Italian Communist Party also advertised excursions to the Eastern Bloc, such as in Bulgaria, arranged by the left-wing ARCI (Associazione Ricreativa e Culturale Italiana, Italian Recreative and Cultural Association). See: “Vacanze,” 6.

5. Bracke, Whose Socialism? About Eurocommunism, see also: Carrillo, Eurocomunismo.

6. Papadogiannis, Militant around the Clock?, especially chapter 2.

7. For more details on this issue, see: Ibid.

8. According to a Verfassungsschutz (Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution) report in 1974, 2200 of those Greek migrants were affiliated with Greek pro-Soviet Communist organisations. Support for the wide array of associations in West Germany linked with these groups declined, however, during the period from 19,000 in 1971, to 14,000 in 1973 and 9150 in 1974. See: Verfassungsschutz [']74, Federal Ministry of Interior, July 1975. Author’s collection, 132–3. During the 1970s, at least according to sociologist and political scientist Ilias Katsoulis, there were more than 6000 Greek undergraduate and graduate students in West Germany. Moreover, between 1961 and 1973, when the oil crisis put an end to foreign labour recruitment, the Greek population in West Germany rose from 42,000 to 408,000. See: Katsoulis, “Demokraten gegen Obristen,” 291; Panayotidis, Griechen in Bremen, 89.

9. Siegfried, Time is on My Side, 191.

10. Andresen, “The West-German ‘Lehrlingsbewegung,” 219.

11. Verfassungsschutz ‘74, Federal Ministry of Interior, July 1975. Author’s collection, 59; Verfassungsschutzbericht 1981, Linksextremistische Bestrebungen 1981, 15 October 1982, 11 as well as Verfassungsschutzbericht 1986, Linksextremistische Bestrebungen 1986, July 1987, 14, Archive of the Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte in Hamburg.

12. Verfassungsschutz ‘74, Federal Ministry of Interior, July 1975, 60.

13. Verfassungsschutzbericht 1981, 11; Verfassungsschutzbericht 1986, 14.

14. On the ideological orientation and the influence of those groups, see Papadogiannis, Militant, 73–5.

15. MSB gained 9.8% of the seats that year, higher than any single Maoist or Trotskyist group. See: Verfassungsschutz ‘74, Federal Ministry of Interior, July 1975, 47.

16. An overview of radical left-wing groups active in West Germany at that point is the following: Kersting, “Juvenile Left-wing Radicalism,” 353–75. On these loosely knit initiatives, see also: Reichardt and Siegfried, “Das Alternative Milieu.”

17. The term “alternative” was employed by those subjects who wanted to demonstrate that they refused to be incorporated into the mass-consumption patterns that reigned supreme in that country. However, the extent to which they were indeed detached from such patterns is an issue that has caused reflection among historians. See, for instance, Bertsch, “Alternative (in) Bewegung,” 115–30. I am using quotation marks to show that they used this term to portray themselves. I do not wish to imply that this was a fake alternative voice in comparison to other left-wing subjects.

18. Reichardt and Siegfried, Das Alternative Milieu, 11.

19. See, for example: Wittner, Towards Nuclear Abolition.

20. Andresen, “Vier Möglichkeiten,” 29–30.

21. Papadogiannis, Militant around the Clock?, especially chapter 2.

22. For example, in 1959 the Polytechnic School of Athens organised a student excursion to Egypt. See “Kinisis Syllogon,” Panspoudastiki, 2 December 1959, 4. On such an excursion to Western Europe, see: Letter from Giannis Papadogiannis to K.A. from Cambridge (UK), 17 July 1973, personal collection of Giannis Papadogiannis. Giannis Papadogiannis was then a university student, studying Chemistry at the University of Salonica; the school excursion in which he participated visited France, Italy and the United Kingdom.

23. I approach the very term “Eastern Europe” as not a timeless one, but largely a product of the Cold War era: I take into account that several of those countries that had been depicted as falling into this category during the Cold War now tend to present themselves as belonging to Central Europe.

24. Excursions across the Iron Curtain were not confined to young Communists in the Greek case, either. Commercial travel agencies not linked with the Left organised package tours to, for instance, Bulgaria. People of diverse ideological orientations took part. The activities on offer as well as the background and motivations of their participants merit further analysis.

25. The first relevant contacts had started in 1959. See: Schildt, “Ein Hamburger Beitrag,” 193–217.

26. West Germany’s contact with its state-socialist neighbour, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), gained momentum in 1969, when the West German government, comprising the Social Democratic Party and liberal Free Democratic Party from 1969 to 1982, initiated its Ostpolitik of establishing formal ties with the GDR. This process was not reversed after 1982, when the Christian Democrat and the Free Democratic Party took power. On the Ostpolitik, see, for instance: Pulzer, German Politics, 108–28.

27. For example, in a 1975 gathering that attracted in total 451 guests from West Germany, Austria and Switzerland, 212 were affiliated with the SDAJ and 60 with the MSB. In a similar gathering in East Germany in 1980, 482 sympathisers and members of the SDAJ took part alongside 174 sympathisers and members of the MSB. While I have not found the total number of members/sympathisers of those groups that travelled annually to Eastern Europe within the framework of such vacations, individual reports mention a few hundred on each occasion, while the number of such gatherings in Eastern Europe that the SDAJ and MSB co-hosted per annum was limited. On such individual reports, see, for instance: “Information zum Verlauf und zu den Ergebnissen,” 22 November 1975, 4; “Information über die Durchführung des Internationalen Freundschaftslagers im Jugenderholungszentrum am Scharmützelsee vom 19 Juli bis 2 August 1980,” 1, both in DY24, 23320, Bundesarchiv Berlin. Such reports were written by functionaries of the FDJ (Freie Demokratische Jugend, Free German Youth), namely the official youth organisation of the German Democratic Republic regime. Unfortunately, there are no available figures about the number of participants in the excursions that the SDAJ/MSB co(-)arranged to other state-socialist regimes, such as the USSR and Hungary.

28. Slobodian, “The Borders,” 223–4.

29. Sossalla, “Der Jugendaustausch,” 21.

30. I use the terms political tourism and ideologically motivated travel alternatively, referring to the same hybrid type of mobility: I do not relegate tourism to the status of an inferior, superficial type of mobility and elevate travel to a means of self-improvement. Such a distinction has rather elitist connotations and is predicated on stereotypes about social class, which I reject. According to Furlough and Baranowski, “with the onset of mass tourism in the twentieth century and working-class tourists more present and visible, claims for the cultural superiority of ‘travel’ over tourism increased in intensity.” See: Baranowski and Furlough, “Introduction,” 2.

31. Ibid., 19.

32. For instance, Ernest Heller was an SDAJ functionary, being an honorary member of the council that guided group activities in Baden-Württemberg. In this capacity, he travelled to the GDR as a member of SDAJ delegations. However, he narrated to me that he did not participate in any campsite in the GDR that falls into the category of Polittourismus. Interview with Ernest Heller, 23 September 2014. I am using pseudonyms for all interviewees.

33. While only KNE/PSK organised political youth travel through the Iron Curtain, there was contact between the authorities of state-socialist regimes and delegations from a wide array of Greek left-wing organisations, including KNE, the Youth of PASOK and the Eurocommunists in the 1970s–80s. In the case of West Germany, Maoist groups also arranged tours to Eastern Europe, albeit solely to Albania. See: Kühn, Stalins Enkel, 92–6. Greek Maoists, by contrast, did not embark on such initiatives.

34. Portelli, “What makes Oral History Different,” 36.

35. For instance: Poiger, Jazz, Rock and Rebels; Stacey, Star Gazing, 204.

36. Some scholars, such as anthropologist Kaspar Maase, no longer employ the term “Americanisation,” referring to “cultural democratisation” instead. See: Maase, “Establishing Cultural Democracy,” 428–50.

37. Kroes, If You’ve Seen One, 167.

38. Marwick initially confined his research to the United States, UK, Italy and France. See: Marwick, The Sixties. On the applicability of the “cultural revolution of the Long Sixties” also in West Germany, see: Marwick, “Youth Culture,” 39–58. On its applicability to Greece, see: Kornetis, Children.

39. Kornetis, Children, 196–9.

40. See, for instance: Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, 207–37; Ryback, Rock Around the Bloc. On the need to explore flows, including cultural ones, across the Iron Curtain, see also the rationale behind the following conference: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/history/research/projects/the_politics_of_emotion/cfp_subjectivitesemotionspolitics/ (Accessed 9 July 2015).

41. Jarausch and Siegrist, “Amerikanisierung und Sowjetisierung,” 24. Another work addressing flows from the Eastern Bloc to the West and vice versa is: Gorsuch and Koenker, The Socialist Sixties.

42. Verdery, “Theorizing Socialism,” 379.

43. On the financial support from the USSR to KNE, see: Papadogiannis, Militant around the Clock?, especially chapter 2. A detailed analysis of the financial aid provided by Eastern Bloc regimes, especially East Germany, to SDAJ, awaits to be written. Some hints are provided in: Verfassungsschutz ‘74, Federal Ministry of Interior, July 1975, 58, where it is argued that DKP and its affiliated groups received around 30 million DM from East Germany in 1974. The figure, however, is just an estimate that requires crosschecking.

44. See, for instance: Jobs, “Youth Movements;” Bertsch, “Alternative (in) Bewegung,” 115–30. Jobs goes further to argue that such mobility helped such young travellers construe themselves as members of a “continent-wide [European], transnational social group.”

45. On Sputnik, see, for instance: Koenker, Club Red, 241; Tondera, “‘Like Sheep,’” 18–35. On the links between LEV-Tours and Jugendtourist, see: “Information zum Stand der Beziehungen zwischen ‘Jugendtourist’ und ‘LEV-Tours’,” DY24, 22446, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

46. Concerning the general background of participants in SDAJ excursions to East Germany, at least according to existing primary sources, most were male workers aged between 17 and 20 who did not study at a university. In the case of KNE, those participants were mainly students, but their social class and gender are not reported in the available sources. For instance: “Bericht über das Sommerlager der SDAJ vom 1-14.8.1970…”, DY24, 23201, Bundesarchiv Berlin; “Konzeption für die Durchführung des Internationalen Sommerkurses an der JHS ‘Wilhelm Pieck,’” DY24, 22333, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

47. For instance, they arranged an excursion that aimed to facilitate an encounter with Bulgarian youth in 1977. See advertisement in Odigitis, 22 July 1977, 16. On excursions to the USSR, see: “Kalokairina taxidia stin ESSD,” Odigitis, 2 July 1981, 12.

48. “Camping filias,” 11–12.

49. From the mid-1970s and during the following decade, according to historian Heike Wolter, East Germany witnessed a substantial increase in the number of diverse accommodation facilities that addressed particularly young tourists. See: Wolter, “Ich harre,” 185–96. About the interaction of young pro-Soviet Communists from several European countries, see, for example: “Information zum Verlauf und zu den Ergebnissen,” 22 November 1975, 4. Nevertheless, some camps were limited to encounters between young Communists from West and East Germany. See, for instance: “Konzeption für die inhaltliche und organisatorische Vorbereitung des ‘Internationalen Freundschaftslagers FDJ-SDAJ’ vom 24. Juli bis 14. August 1971 im Zentralen Pionierlager ‘Maxim Gorki,’” DY24, 23033, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

50. Relevant information about excursions to Eastern Europe and the USSR organised by KNE and PSK were found at least once annually in their publications. On travel reports from excursions to the USSR in Odigitis, see, for instance: “Episkepsi sti S. Enosi,” 16. The organ of the PSK, Panspoudastiki, also published such texts. See, for example: “Ekdromi tis E Architektonon stin ESSD,” 8.

51. On the case of KNE, see, for example, the relevant advertisements of LEV-Tours, such as in: Odigitis, 7 July 1978, 21.

52. Advertisement in elan, July/August 1968, 79.

53. The WFDY is an international left-wing youth organisation. In the period under study it attracted mainly, but not solely, pro-Soviet Communist organisations. On its Festival in 1968 in Sofia, see: Rutter, “Look Left, Drive Right,” 193–212.

54. Junge Union Deutschlands, “Deshalb nehmen wir an den 10. Weltfestspielen teil,” DY24, 24009, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

55. “Reisen [']75 für elan Leser,” 17–20. This catalogue appeared once annually from that point onwards.

56. Interview with Nikitas Apostolidis; interview with Sotiris Katopoulos. Katopoulos was a school pupil in Athens until 1975 and later a university student and high-ranking cadre of KNE. In the late 1980s, he withdrew from KKE and joined the radical left-wing group NAR (Neo Aristero Reyma, New Left Current). Apostolidis has lived in West Germany since the early 1970s. During the 1970s he was a student and KNE member. He is no longer a KKE member, but is currently aligned with SYRIZA (Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras, Coalition of the Radical Left). On the (failed) effort of the Greek Community in Hamburg which was controlled by the Left to organise an excursion to the USSR, see, for instance: Letter from ht-reisen to Jakovos Papadopoulos (chairman of the Community), 29 September 1976, Archive of the Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte in Hamburg, Gemeinde der Griechen in Hamburg e.V, 1970–76.

57. Epitropoulos, “Youth Culture.” However, the issue whether pleasure has been a core component of all youth lifestyles in West Germany and Greece since the late 1950s requires further study.

58. Maase, “Establishing,” 439; Katsapis, Ichoi.

59. On West Germany, see: Schildt, “Across the Border.” Concerning Greece, young Greek men travelled to tourist resorts to have sex in the 1960s. See: Nikolakakis, “Tourismos,” 427–38. Peer groups comprising young Greek holidaymakers of all genders gain momentum, at least among left-wingers, in the 1970s. See: Papadogiannis, Militant, 48–9, 153–5.

60. Papadogiannis, Militant, 150.

61. “Serious fun” was actually introduced by historian Robert Edelman, who explored spectator sports in the USSR. See: Edelman, Serious Fun, x, 250; Gorsuch, All This is Your World, 47.

62. For example, advertisement in elan, April 1974, 43. Their definition of the mobility under study differs from the one that I offer, since the organisations in question approached such accumulation of information in a normative way, namely as a means of presenting the “truth” about those regimes, while this article takes into account the fact that the state-socialist regimes presented some of their facets to visitors.

63. See, for instance: “1917, 60 chronia sosialistikis oikodomisis,” 18–19.

64. For example: “‘Monopleyri parousiasi,’” 6–7.

65. “Information über die Durchführung des Internationalen Freundschaftslagers im Jugenderholungszentrum am Scharmützelsee vom 19 Juli bis 2 August 1980”, 1, in DY24, 23320, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

66. A concentration camp in Oranienburg, Germany, which operated from 1936 to 1945 and was mainly used for the detention and execution of political prisoners.

67. “Rahmenkonzeption für das Internationale Freundschaftslager vom 26.7-15.8.1972 an der Sonderschule des Zentralrats der FDJ in Buckow,” 7-8, DY24, 23129, Bundesarchiv Berlin. This occurred at a point when the discussion about the extermination of Jews by the Nazis was gaining ground in West Germany, namely during the 1970s–80s. On the memory of the Holocaust in West and East Germany, see, for instance: Fulbrook, German National Identity. The only reference to the extermination of Jews by the Nazis as part of an antifascist commemoration during such travel in the GDR that I have found in relevant primary sources occurred in 1988 on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Kristallnacht. See: Zentralrat der FDJ, “Information über die Durchführung des Internationalen Jugendlagers der Freien Demokratischen Jugend vom 30.10 bis 04.11.1988 in Werder,” DY24, 14163, Bundesarchiv Berlin. The issue of whether the East German regime began at that point to reframe the antifascist memory it endorsed, adding more weight to the elimination of the Jews, awaits further examination.

68. “Konzeption für die inhaltliche und organisatorische Vorbereitung des ‘Internationalen Freundschaftslagers FDJ-SDAJ’ vom 24. Juli bis 14. August 1971 im Zentralen Pionierlager ‘Maxim Gorki,’” DY24, 23033, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

69. For instance, interview with Katopoulos.

70. MacCannell, “Staged Authenticity,” 594.

71. Interview with Nikitas Apostolidis, 15 October 2012.

72. On autobiographies, see, for instance: Guenther, “‘And Now for Something Completely Different,’” 25–61.

73. Reckert, Kommunismus-Erfahrung, 35–6; Andresen, “Vier Möglichkeiten.”

74. Rosenthal, Erlebte und erzählte Lebensgeschichte.

75. See: Andresen, “Vier Möglichkeiten,” 37. On autobiographies see, for instance: Guenther, “‘And Now for Something Completely Different,’” 25–61.

76. Interview with Danis Artinos, 12 May 2008. Artinos was in 1980 linked to a radical left-wing group that was highly critical of KNE. He narrated that during the assembly that decided the destination he argued against what the members of PSK had advocated, namely a trip to Czechoslovakia. Moreover, on a critique from a Maoist perspective of the content of travel reports concerning KNE-initiated excursions to the USSR, see, for instance: “Oi foititikes ekdromes sti Sovietiki Enosi. Enas didaktikos ‘sosialismos’,” 7. The article claimed, among other things, that class inequalities existed in the USSR. The discussion about such excursions even reached popular women’s magazines. See, for instance: Aggelopoulou, “Diakopes,” 56–7.

77. See: Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, 25, 96.

78. “Rahmenkonzeption für das Internationale Freundschaftslager vom 26.7-15.8.1972 an der Sonderschule des Zentralrats der FDJ in Buckow,” 7–8, DY24, 23129, Bundesarchiv Berlin.

79. For instance: “Jimi Hendrix Experience,” 3–5; “Pop Rock mit der rotten Lok,” 34–7; Panousakis, “Gia ton Amerikaniko Tropo Zois,” 44–54.

80. “Urlaub in ‘Sanssouci,’” 11. Similarly, during the 1980s the SDAJ invited rock bands from East Germany, such as the Puhdys, to the events that it held in West Germany. See: “Heisse Rock-nacht,” 7.

81. Interview with Nikitas Apostolidis.

82. For instance, Odigitis published a very warm comradely message from elan on the occasion of the publication of its issue no. 300. See: Odigitis, 9 May 1980, 13. On the mainly positive approaches to rock, but also some critical voices, as expressed in elan, see also: Siegfried, Time is on my Side, 716.

83. “Wie gefällt”s euch in Berlin?,” 36–7.

84. For example, see: elan, March 1983, 36.

85. “Heisse Tips für die tolle Tage,” 14–15; cover page, elan, July 1986.

86. See, for instance: Mittag and Wendland, “How Adventurers,” 36–51.

87. Häberlen and Smith, “Struggling for Feelings,” 628–36.

88. “Heisse Tips.” The issue whether SDAJ and MSB tried to attract participants in those milieux in order to counter their falling membership figures in the 1980s awaits further examination. Moreover, the issue of whether SDAJ/MSB were influenced by the emotional norms that the “alternative” Left developed in 1980/81 merits further exploration.

89. Those places did not necessarily develop as tourist resorts for the first time in the 1960s. For instance, Sochi had been constructed in pre-1917 Russia in order to “vie with the French Riviera for foreign tourists.” McReynolds, “The Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 37.

90. Noack, “Coping with the Tourist,” 282. It should be stressed that one cannot argue that this shift to leisurisation/informalisation was imposed onto SDAJ and KNE by the Soviet Union, since the “leisure boom” in the USSR started well before this shift in the travel reports and advertisements of those groups.

91. Such a tendency is evident, for instance, in the following advertisement of LEV-tours in Odigitis: “Kalokairina taxidia stin ESSD,” 12.

92. Russian stringed musical instrument.

93. Rizospastis, 30 May 1985, 13. Rizospastis is the newspaper of the KKE.

94. Vamvakas, Panagiotopoulos, “Introduction,” LXV–LXVII.

95. Interview with Dieter Stelle, 19 September 2013.

96. Interview with Sotiris Katopoulos, 8 April 2008.

97. On changes to sexual norms in Western Europe at that point, see, for instance: Stearns, Sexuality, 133–64.

98. Silies, “Taking the Pill,” 43–4. However, Silies argues that “in the 1970s, the contraceptive pill became a contraceptive for the young” in West Germany and England. Silies, “Taking the Pill,” 54. Her analysis is based on age cohorts rather than on whether those she describes as “young” felt so.

99. Kornetis, Children, 207; Avdela, “Neoi en Kindyno,” 472.

100. Herzog, Sexuality. Herzog also stressed that growing sexual freedom was not necessarily experienced as a source of pleasure, but also of anxiety.

101. Fakten, 14–15. While I refer to transformation of sexual norms, I do not regard its spread as akin to “liberalisation.” As the cited article demonstrates, enacting “permissiveness” was also regulated by rules. For an analysis of cultural change in post-Second World War as “transformation” rather than “liberalisation” of norms, see: Häberlen, Smith, “Struggling for Feelings,” 636–7.

102. For instance, letter by Susanne M. entitled “völlig ohne Sex?”, published in elan in June 1971.

103. Articles about the contraceptive pill that saw print in elan include: “Emanzipation über Männerleichen,” 4–5; “Die Pille mit 16,” 18–19.

104. On the relevant attitude of the Greek Left in the 1960s, see, for instance: Katsapis, Ichoi. On the 1970s, see: Papadogiannis, Militant, 95–104.

105. Letter entitled “Warum kein Sex?,” published in elan, October 1971, 12.

106. Papadogiannis, Militant, 97–9, 156.

107. McLellan, Love in the Time of Communism.

108. Benzien, “Problem Du und Ich,” 4–8; “Fragen an die Hennigsdorfer,” 36. Rote blätter also published articles about sexuality in the GDR. See, for instance, the reflections of Franz Sommerfeld, the editor of rote blätter, on that topic, which saw print in rote blätter 9 (1979), 26.

109. Silies argues that only in the late 1960s did organisations such as Pro Familia gain momentum in West Germany, granting easy access to the contraceptive pill to unmarried and young women. Silies, “Taking the Pill,” 45. It is interesting, however, that this development was not mentioned in elan.

110. Healey, “The Sexual Revolution,” 236–48, especially 240.

111. For instance, A., “I pornografia,” 8–9.

112. Interview with Dieter Stelle, 19 September 2013.

113. Letter written on 12 May 1977 and published in Sapisma 7 (1977), 6.

114. Interview with Theodoros Stellakis, 3 December 2007.