![Sample our Politics & International Relations journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5947/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Politics-International-Relations.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
Why are most African emerging democracies failing to consolidate and reach the two-turnover test? Most scholars attribute this to the poor quality of elections and limited institutionalization of vertical accountability, overlooking some important variables. This article challenges this conception both theoretically and empirically by focusing on the quality of horizontal accountability illustrated by observations of comparative interest in Liberia's emerging democracy. Since the end of Liberia's bloody civil war in 2003, two successive and successful democratic elections (2005 and 2011) have been organized, putting Liberia on the path towards democratic consolidation. When analysing the electoral mechanism of vertical2016 accountability, many scholars have been enthusiastic about the prospects of democratic consolidation in Liberia, most of them neglecting the horizontal accountability processes that are also crucial for the quality and durability of democracy. This article analyses the processes and challenges of democratic consolidation in Liberia by focusing on key institutions of horizontal accountability. It argues that although the country has made some progress towards democratization since 2005, the domination and centralization of executive power, weak and dependent institutions of horizontal accountability (legislature, judiciary, national elections commission, general auditing commission, and anti-corruption commission) are major challenges to the consolidation of democracy. These findings have important implications for our understanding of horizontal accountability and democratic consolidation in African emerging democracies.
Acknowledgements
We are very grateful to professors Larry Diamond, Kennedy Opalo, James W. Muller, Jeff Haynes, Aurel Croissant, and the external reviewers who provided invaluable comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this work and substantially supported us throughout the publication process.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Prof. Landry Signé is a distinguished fellow at Stanford University’s Center for African Studies, a founding chairman of the Global Network for Africa’s Prosperity, a professor of political science at the University of Alaska Anchorage, and a special adviser to some global leaders on African and international affairs.
Koffi Korha is a fellow at the Global Network for Africa’s Prosperity (GNAP). He has worked on democracy and youth development issues in several African countries and the United States, and consulted for both government and non-governmental agencies. Koffi holds a Masters in African Studies with Emphasis in Political Economy and Security from Stanford University.
Notes
1. Signé, “The Tortuous Trajectories of Democracy.”
2. Using data from Polity IV and Freedom House, Signé (Citation2013) proposes a comprehensive classification of African political regimes, which is updated by the authors.
3. The CPA was signed on 20 August 2003 by the government of Liberia, rebel groups, political parties, and civil society organizations. It brought an end to the decade-long civil war and set the stage for the 2005 general elections.
4. Harris and Lewis, Liberia in 2011; Sawyer, “Emerging Patterns in Liberia's Post-Conflict Politics.”
5. Harris and Lewis, Liberia in 2011; Signé, “The Tortuous Trajectories of Democracy”; and Radelet, Emerging Africa.
6. Akude, Government and Crisis of the State in Africa; Gberie, “Briefing”; Sawyer, “Emerging Patterns in Liberia's Post-Conflict Politics”; and Zounmenou, “Managing Post-War Liberia.”
7. Gberie, Liberia; and Sawyer, “Emerging Patterns in Liberia's Post-Conflict Politics.”
8. Bratton, “Voting Buying and Violence”; and Geyikçi, “The Impact of Parties and Party Systems.”
9. These measures were both included in the CPA restructuring the security apparatus, creating a governance commission, and the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and some were adopted at the initiative of the government.
10. DeGroot, Talvitie, and Uktirdjan, Liberia, 3–4.
11. Sawyer, Beyond Plunder, 259.
12. Fish, “Stronger Legislatures, Stronger Democracies.”
13. Ibid., 6–8.
14. Schedler, Diamond, and Plattner, The Self-restraining State, 27.
15. Ibid.
16. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy.
17. Ibid., 300.
18. Ibid., 302.
19. Ibid.
20. Harris, “Liberia 2005”; Harris, Civil War and Democracy in West Africa; Harris and Lewis, “Liberia in 2011”; Kieh, “State Collapse and Democratic Construction Prospect in Liberia”; Lyons, “Post-conflict Elections and the Process of Demilitarizing Politics”; Moran, The Violence of Democracy; Moran, Liberia: The Violence of Democracy; Sawyer, “Emerging Patterns in Liberia's Post-Conflict Politics”; Söderström, “Dissent and Opposition among Ex-Combatants in Liberia”; Söderström, “Second Time Around”; Yoder, “Elections as a Stress Test in Democratic Societies.”
21. Sawyer, “Emerging Patterns in Liberia's Post-Conflict Politics.”
22. Söderström, “Second Time Around.”
23. Ibid.
24. Yoder, “Elections as a Stress Test in Democratic Societies.”
25. Ibid.
26. Beekman, Bulte, and Nillesen, “Corruption and Economic Activity”; Dolo, Democracy versus Dictatorship; ICG, “Liberia's Elections”; Sawyer, Beyond Plunder; Scott, “Moving from Impunity to Accountability.”
27. Dolo, Democracy versus Dictatorship
28. Sawyer, Beyond Plunder.
29. Scott, “Moving from Impunity to Accountability,” 351.
30. Harris, “Liberia 2005” Harris and Lewis, Liberia in 2011; Sawyer, Beyond Plunder; Yoder “Elections as a Stress Test in Democratic Societies.”
31. O'Donnell, “Horizontal Accountability in New Democracies.”
32. Schmitter, “The Limits of Horizontal Accountability”; Sklar, “Democracy and Constitutionalism.”
33. See Mainwaring, “Introduction.”
34. Kenney, “Horizontal Accountability.”
35. Mainwaring “Introduction”; Schedler, “Conceptualizing Accountability.”
36. Mainwaring, “Introduction.”
37. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy; Schillemans, “Accountability in the Shadow of Hierarchy.”
38. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 287.
39. Ibid., 300.
40. Schedler, “Conceptualizing Accountability,” 18–20.
41. Schedler, “Conceptualizing Accountability”; Kenney, Horizontal Accountability.
42. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 300.
43. Fox, “Civil Society Also Influence Horizontal Accountability.”
44. Kenney, Reflections on Horizontal Accountability.
45. Schedler, Diamond, and Plattner, The Self-restraining State.
46. Sawyer, “Challenges of Government Reform in Liberia,” 267; and The Governance Reform Commission of Liberia, “Fourth Quarter Report.”
47. Moran, The Violence of Democracy.
48. Guannu, First Liberian Republic, 38.
49. Jaye, Liberia; Sawyer, Beyond Plunder.
50. See the 1986 Constitution of Liberia.
51. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 274.
52. Dolo, Democracy versus Dictatorship, 10.
53. See BBC News, “Liberia Laureate Gbowee Chides Sirleaf on Corruption,” 13 August 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-19876111
54. Sawyer, Beyond Plunder; Jaye, Liberia.
55. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 259.
56. Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, “Annual Report”; and Dolo, Democracy versus Dictatorship, 10.
57. See Nanka, Auditor General Report and Liberia Anti Corruption Commission, Annual Report 2012 reports on corruption in Liberia.
58. Johnson and Nakamura, “Liberia Legislative Needs Assessment.”
59. Schedler, “Conceptualizing Accountability,” 14–15.
60. Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, “Annual Report.”
61. Harris and Lewis, “Liberia in 2011,” 89; Söderström, “Dissent and Opposition among Ex-Combatants in Liberia,” 413.
62. Jaye, Liberia; Liberian National Legislature, “Liberian National Legislature Modernization Plan.”
63. Johnson and Nakamura, “Liberia Legislative Needs Assessment,” 13; Jaye Liberia; United Nations Development Program, “Liberia: Support.”
64. Bosley, McMahon, and Muwonge, An Evaluation Of The National Democratic Institute (NDI), 16.
65. Johnson and Nakamura, “Liberia Legislative Needs Assessment.”
66. Global Witness, “Curse or Cure?”
67. Global Witness, “Logging in the Shadows.”
68. See The New Dawn Newspaper, “Liberia: LACC Prosecutorial Bill Rejected,” 7 August 2013. http://allafrica.com/stories/201306261528.html
69. Fish, “Stronger Legislatures, Stronger Democracies,” 5.
70. Sawyer, Beyond Plunder; ICG, “Liberia's Elections.”
71. US Department of State, “Liberia Updated Report.”
72. ICG, “Liberia: Restructuring.”
73. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 308.
74. See National Election Commission of Liberia, 13 July 2013. http://www.necliberia.org/page_info.php?&7d5f44532cbfc489b8db9e12e44eb820=MTAz
75. The Carter Center, “National Election in Liberia: Final Report Fall 2011”; Harris and Lewis, Liberia in 2011.
76. See Voice of America, “Liberia Election Commission Nomination Sparks Opposition Protest.” http://www.voanews.com/content/liberia-politics-elections-commission/1627848.html
77. The Liberian Constitution 1986.
78. See The Government Anti-Corruption Commission of Liberia. http://gacliberia.com8/13/2013
79. IMF, Liberia: Joint Staff Advisory.
80. See The Public Agenda Online, “AG Morlu: Another Victim Of Dissent?” 7 August 2013, http://www.publicagendanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2846:ag-morlu-another-victim-of-dissent-&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=2
81. See Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, 7 August 2013. http://lacc.gov.lr/index.php/about-us
83. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy.
84. Schedler, Diamond, and Plattner, The Self-restraining State.
85. See Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, “Annual Report.”
86. See The New Dawn Newspaper. “Liberia: LACC Prosecutorial Bill Rejected,” 7 August 2013. http://allafrica.com/stories/201306261528.html
87. Bøås, and Utas, “The Political Landscape of Post-War.”
88. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, 300.
89. O'Donnell, “Delegative Democracy.”
