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ABSTRACT
It is a well-known fact that the transition to and consolidation of democracy in Latin America have been problematic, especially at the subnational level. It is also commonplace to equate an independent media system with a strong democracy. While each of these fields has witnessed important developments in the last decade or so, there have been sparse attempts to draw the theoretical links between them. In this article, I argue that there are important insights to be gained from such an endeavour. Bahia, a state in north-eastern Brazil, is an ideal case study to bring these perspectives together. This study offers fresh insights on state–society relations at the subnational level and on the contemporary interaction between the public and the private spheres in Latin America. Last but not least, it will also provide a better grasp on the challenges democratization faces at the subnational level and the role of the media in them.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Fábio Henrique Pereira and Liziane Guazina of the University of Brasilia, Antonio Brambila of the University of Leeds and the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments on previous versions of this article.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Julián Durazo Herrmann is professor of Comparative Politics (the Americas) at the Université du Québec á Montréal since 2007. He has published extensively on regime change at the subnational level in Latin America, especially in Brazil and Mexico.
Notes
1. The subnational level refers to the dimension below the national government, but above the municipal level. In many cases, this government level enjoys substantial political powers and has its own political dynamics, which interact but may be autonomous from both national and municipal trends. In federal countries, such as Brazil, this refers to the state level. Ostrom, “A Forgotten Tradition”; Snyder, “Scaling Down.”
2. Dahl, Polyarchy; Curran, “Reinterpreting the Democratic Roles of the Media”; Mercier “Présentation générale.”
3. Gibson, Boundary Control.
4. Moreira and Helal, “Notes on Media, Journalism Education,” 92; Whitten-Woodring and James, “Fourth Estate or Mouthpiece?”
5. Magalhães et al., Política é paixão.
6. Durazo Herrmann, “Reflections on Regime Change,” 31.
7. Wagner, interview with the author; Vasconcelos, interview with the author; Lara, “As transformações nas políticas de comunicação.”
8. Mazzuca, “Access to Power versus Exercise of Power.”
9. Curran, “Reinterpreting the Democratic Roles of the Media”; Wolton, “La communication politique.”
10. Paraphrasing Montesquieu's classic division of power in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, the media would be a fourth, non-institutional element in a democratic checks-and-balances system.
11. Schultz, Reviving the Fourth Estate, 15; Lattman-Weltman, “Mídia e transição democrática”; Lemay, Vortex.
12. Schultz, Reviving the Fourth Estate, 25; Lattman-Weltman, “Mídia e transição democrática”; Wolton, “La communication politique.”
13. Dahl, Polyarchy; Dahl, On Democracy; Gingras, Médias et démocratie.
14. Habermas, L'espace public; Mercier, “Présentation générale”; Wolton, “La communication politique.”
15. Hughes and Lawson, “The Barriers to Media Opening,” 14; Gingras, Médias et démocratie.
16. Schultz, Reviving the Fourth Estate; Whitten-Woodring and James “Fourth Estate or Mouthpiece?”
17. Lemay, Vortex.
18. Curran, “Reinterpreting the Democratic Roles of the Media”; Pereira and Maia, “Liberdade de imprensa e identidade profissional”; Gingras, “Enquête sur le rapport des journalistes.”
19. The reference is to George Orwell's novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, where the media are a key component of the mind-controlling apparatus.
20. Gingras, Médias et démocratie; Savoie, Power: Where Is It?; Lemay, Vortex.
21. Rubim, “Espetacularização e midiatização da política,” 206.
22. Achache, “Le marketing politique.”
23. Mills, The Power Elite; Savoie, Power: Where Is It?
24. Hughes and Lawson, “The Barriers to Media Opening,” 11; Abramo, “Brazil”; Gingras, Médias et démocratie.
25. Waisbord, “The Pragmatic Politics,” 136.
26. Gervasoni, “Poliarquía a nivel sub-nacional”; Power, “Optimism, Pessimism and Coalition Presidentialism,” 21.
27. Dahl, Polyarchy.
28. Curran, “Reinterpreting the Democratic Roles of the Media”; Gentilli, “Reflections on the Right to Information.”
29. Schmitter and Karl, “Modes of Transition in Latin America.”
30. O'Donnell and Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule; Gingras, “Enquête sur le rapport des journalistes.”
31. Mazzuca, “Access to Power versus Exercise of Power.”
32. Porto, “Enquadramento da mídia e política,” 90.
33. Waisbord, “The Pragmatic Politics,” 142; Waisbord, “Media Policies and the Blindspots.”
34. Germani, Politique, société et modernisation.
35. Behrend, “The Unevenness of Democracy.”
36. Linz, Régimes totalitaires et autoritaires.
37. Gibson, Boundary Control. See also Journal of Politics in Latin America, special issue on Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America.
38. Snyder, “Scaling Down”; Gibson, Boundary Control.
39. Gervasoni, “Poliarquía a nivel sub-nacional.”
40. A media system is the set of media that serve a given public and the relations they establish amongst themselves and with other social and political actors. Hallin and Mancini, Comparing Media Systems.
41. Durazo Herrmann, “Frontières territoriales et frontières politiques”; Araujo Pinto, Mídia regional brasileira.
42. Durazo Herrmann, “Frontières territoriales et frontières politiques”; Behrend, “Democratización subnacional.”
43. Rede Bahia, website.
44. Dos Santos, “Relações incestuosas,” 128.
45. Vaz, letter to author; Instituto ACM, website; Rede Bahia, website.
46. Magalhães et al., Política é paixão; Teixeira Gomes, Memórias das trevas.
47. Vasconcelos, interview with the author; cf. Leitão, “Palavra da defesa.”
48. See Correio, “Em entrevista, ACM Neto faz balanço.”
49. Pinho, “A Bahia no fundamental”; Sousa Júnior, O Ilê Aiyê.
50. Jonas and Almeida, “Oligarquia, mídia e dominação política.” See Guazina, Jornalismo em busca de credibilidade, 67.
51. Da Mata, interview with author.
52. Dantas Neto, “Mudança política na Bahia”; Durazo Herrmann, “Reflections on Regime Change,” 40.
53. Galo, Novos ventos baianos; Borges, “Já não mais se fazem.”
54. Talento, “Wagner promete divulgar decisão”; Cabral, “Entrevista Jaques Wagner”; Wagner, interview with the author.
55. Sampaio, interview with the author; Vasconcelos, interview with the author.
56. Assembleia Legislativa da Bahia, website; Por escrito, blog.
57. Conselho Estadual de Comunicação Social.
58. Lara, “As transformações nas políticas de comunicação.”
59. See Waisbord, “The Pragmatic Politics,” 138.
60. Bujão, interview with the author; Francisco, interview with the author; Marsiaj, “Federalism, Advocacy Networks, and Sexual Diversity.”
61. Tribunal Regional Eleitoral da Bahia, website.
62. A Tarde, “Professores finalizam greve”; José, “Greve da PM.”
63. Mota, “Fissuras na estrutura do mandonismo”; Reis, A mediação das lideranças; Dantas Neto, “Mudança política na Bahia.”
64. Magalhães Jr., “Inovação está no nosso DNA.”
65. Cabral, “A herança maldita de ACM”; Vasconcelos, interview with the autor.
66. The Mensalão was a vote-buying scheme through which the federal PT leadership sought to buy sufficient votes in the national Congress to pass President Lula's legislative programme. Monclaire, “Histoire d'un désenchantement”; Angeli, Mário César Carvalho, and Diogo Bercito, “O incrível Mensalão.”
67. Abramo, “Brazil”; Correio, “Marcos Valério aponta ex-presidente.”
68. Francisco, interview with the author, Marsiaj, “Federalism, Advocacy Networks, and Sexual Diversity.”
69. Mott, Boletim do Grupo Gay da Bahia; Grupo Gay da Bahia, website.
70. Mott, “Machismo, racismo e homofobia,” A3.
71. See Porto, “Enquadramento da mídia e política,” 93.
72. Fernandes, interview with the author.
73. Jornal da Chapada, website; Fernandes, interview with the author.
74. Gingras, Médias et démocratie.
75. Fernandes, interview with the author; Vasconcelos, interview with the author.
76. Gomes, interview with the author; Por escrito, blog.
77. See the blogs Jornal Grande Bahia 2012, Blog do Louro Magalhães 2012, Portal Renato Ribeiro 2012. See also Tribuna da Bahia, “Papel da mídia.”
78. Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, website.
79. Dos Santos, “Relações incestuosas”; Whitten-Woodring and James, “Fourth Estate or Mouthpiece?,” 120.
80. Abramo, “Brazil”; Dos Santos, “Relações incestuosas.”
81. Teixeira Gomes, Memórias das trevas; Nobile, “Magalhães, Antônio Carlos,” 366.
82. Nunes Leal, Coronelismo, enxada e voto; Murilo de Carvalho, “Mandonismo, Coronelismo, Clientelismo.”
83. Dantas Neto, “‘Surf’ nas ondas do tempo”; Borges, “Já não mais se fazem”; Durazo Herrmann, “Reflections on Regime Change,” 28.
84. Dos Santos, “Relações incestuosas.”
85. Vasconcelos, interview with autor; Vasconcelos, “BAHIA: Governo Wagner.”
86. See Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana, “Rede Bahia ignora princípio.”
87. Magalhães Jr., “Inovação está no nosso DNA”; Rede Bahia, website.
88. Moreira and Helal, “Notes on Media, Journalism,” 97.
89. De Oliveira, interview with author; Vasconcelos, interview with author.
90. Vasconcelos, “Emissora de TV baiana.”
91. Correio, “Paulo Souto comemora resultado”, Correio, “Em entrevista ao Bahia Meio Dia.”
92. See Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana, “Rede Bahia ignora princípio.”
93. Mazzuca, “Access to Power versus Exercise of Power.”
94. Hughes and Lawson, “The Barriers to Media,” 10.
